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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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lis   ^^     B^B 
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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WiST  MAIN  STRKT 

WiBSTfR.N.Y.  U580 

(716)875-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquas  at  bibliographlquas 


Tha  Inatltuta  has  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  bast 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturas  of  this 
copy  which  nrtay  ba  bibllographically  uniqua. 
which  nr«ay  altar  any  of  tha  imagas  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chacicad  balow. 


D 
D 

n 

D 
D 
D 


D 
D 


D 


Colourad  covars/ 
Couvarture  da  coulaur 

Covars  damagad/ 
Couvartura  andommagia 

Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  rastauria  at/ou  palliculAa 

Covar  title  missing/ 

La  titra  da  couvarture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartas  g6ographiquas  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I   Coloured  plates  end/or  illustr&^'ons/ 


D 


Planches  et/ou  illustretions  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
RaliA  avac  d'autres  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  rellure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  la  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
heve  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ejouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  la  texte, 
meis,  lorsque  cela  Atait  por  '^bla,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  M  filmAes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplAmentaires: 


L'Institut  e  microfilm*  le  meilleur  exemplaira 
qu'il  lui  a  At*  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
da  cat  exemplaira  qui  sont  paut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographiqua,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mAthoda  normala  de  f ilmaga 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□   Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagAas 

I      I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 


Tl 
tc 


D 


Pages  restaurias  at/ou  palliculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe« 
Pages  dicolories,  tachaties  ou  piquAas 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachtes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prin 

Quality  inigala  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  material  supplAmentaira 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


r~y\  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 

I      I  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~~|  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I     I  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  erreta 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  per  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  film6es  A  nouveeu  de  fa^on  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Tl 

Pi 

ol 
fil 


O 

b< 
th 
si 
ot 

fil 
si 
oi 


Tl 
s^ 
Tl 


M 
di 
er 
bfl 
rij 
rei 
m( 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22) 


fl 


12X 


16X 


20X 


26X 


30X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


I 

itails 
I  du 
odifiar 
'  una 
maga 


Tha  copy  filmad  hara  has  baan  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  o*r>*''ositv  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibiiity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustrated  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frame  on  each  microficha 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"!, 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ara  filmad 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  tha 
method: 


L'aMamplaira  fllmi  fut  raproduit  grAca  A  la 
gAnArosit*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Las  images  suivantas  ont  itA  raproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattatA  da  laxemplaira  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Las  examplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmAs  an  commandant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darniAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  empreinte 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axemplairas 
originaux  sont  filmAs  an  commandant  par  la 
pramiAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  an  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  —^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
raproduit  en  un  seul  clich«,  il  est  film*  A  partir 
da  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
at  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcessaira.  Las  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrant  la  mAthode. 


rrata 
to 


palura. 
n  A 


1 

2 

3 

1 


□ 

32X 


5 


6 


l(.f 


p. 


Mr.  CRl 

le  subject, 

1  its  furthe 

imself  for 

Producing 

icumbent  ( 

lould  end( 

roper  deci 

«e  for  the 

)r  the  joial 

That  ten 

fountains  i 

le  parallel 

ver— the  i 

nd  the  latt< 

This  is  tl 

nd  which  I 

Our  clain 

imbia  rivei 

on  of  that 

tates,  in  If 

merican  ci 

ailed  our  o 

imbia  rivei 

The  seco 

tates  and  ^ 

righls,  clai 

nd  pretensi 

lese  are  nc 

tie  to  the  V 

In  opposi 

1  also  on  al 

'cts,  and  sa 

ade  betwe( 

id  make  se 

ents  on  th( 

The  expU 

;t  up  claim 

lade  either 

id  not  folio 

ttltement  ai 

Such  is  th 

ritain,  end 

or  a  period 

nd  repeated 

pon  some  |: 

ent  statesm 


SPEECH 

I 

OP  • 

U.  CRITTENDEN,  OF  KENTUCKY, 

ON  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

Delivered  in  the  3enate  of  the  United  States,  April  16, 1846. 

Mr.  CRITTENDEN  said,  he  was  very  sensible,  notwithstanding  the  importance  o< 
le  subject,  that  the  Senate  were  much  too  weary  of  this  debate  to  take  much  interest 

its  further  discussion.  Did  lie  consult  his  own  inclinations,  he  should  not  obtrude 
iinself  for  a  single  moment  on  their  attention  ;  but,  having  had  the  honor  of  originally 
itroducing  the  resolution  which  is  the  immediate  subject  to  be  acted  upon,  it  seemed 
icumbent  on  him  to  say  something  in  its  support  before  the  vole  was  taken.  He 
lould  endeavor  to  confine  himself  to  those  considerations  which  seemed  essential  to  a 
roper  decision  of  the  policy  ami  propriety  of  giving  to  Great  Britain  the  proposed  no- 
ice  for  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty  or  convention  made  with  her  by  the  United  States 
»r  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  Oregon  territory. 

That  territory  lies  on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent,  between  the  Rocky 
fountains  and  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  extends  from  the  42d  degree  of  north  latitude  to 
je  parallel  of  54°  40'.  Through  it  flotv  two  large  rivers — the  Columbia  and  Frazer's 
ver— the  former  emptying  itself  into  the  ocean  between  the  latitudes  of  46°  and  47°, 
nd  the  latter  between  49°  and  50°. 

This  is  the  territory  now  in  dispute  be.  een  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
nd  which  has  been  disputed  between  them  for  nearly  forty  years  past. 

Our  claim  is  rested  on  two  grounds— first,  vrior  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 

Iimbia  river  in  1792  by  Capt.  Gray,  an  American  navigator — the  subsequent  explora'- 
on  of  that  river  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  under  the  order  and  authority  of  the  United 
tates,  in  1805  and  '6,  and  settlements  made  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  same  river  by 
>merican  citizens  in  1809  and  1810.  This,  for  the  purpose  of  distinction,  may  be 
ailed  our  own  American  tide,  and  it  will  be  perceived  that  it  applies  only  to  the  Co- 
jmbia  river,  and  that  portion  of  the  territory  which  is  (I:-:ine«.'  by  it. 

The  second  ground  of  our  claim  is  the  Florida  treaty,  nii<'le  between  the  United 
tates  ar.d  Spain  in  the  year  1819,  whereby  Spain  ced^d  to  tl  >  United  States  all  her 
rights,  claims,  and  pretensions"  to  the  territory  in  questicn.  Those  "rights,  claims, 
id  pretensions"  are  founded  on  the  dii  overies  and  explorations  of  her  navigators,  and 
lese  are  now  alleged  on  the  part  of  our  Government  as  embracing  and  giving  us  a 
tie  to  the  whole  of  Oregon. 

In  opposition  to  these  claims,  the  British  Government  assert  rights  in  Oregon,  found- 
1  also  on  alleged  discoveries,  explorations,  and  setlleinenti  of  her  navigators  and  sub- 
sets, and  sanctioned  and  sustained,  as  they  contend,  by  the  Nootka  Sound  Convention, 
ade  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain  in  1790.  Ths  British  were  the  first  to  explore 
)d  make  settlements  on  Frazer's  river,  as  we  wfre  the  first  to  explore  and  make  settle- 
lents  on  the  Columbia. 

The  explorations  and  discoveries  of  the  Spanish  navigators,  in  virtue  of  which  Spain 
!t  up  claim  to  the  whole  northwest  coast  of  America,  were  long  antecedent  to  those 
tade  either  by  the  English  or  Americans;  but  it  is  insisted  by  Great  Britain,  that  Spain 
id  not  fellow  up  those  discoveries  and  explorations  by  such  acts  o(  occupation  or 
ttllement  as  could  alone  confer  on  her  a  national  title  to  the  country. 

Such  is  the  brief  and  general  oudine  of  the  claims  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
ritain,  end  of  the  dispute  existing  between  them  iu  respect  to  the  territory  of  Oregon, 
'or  a  period  of  near  forty  years  these  parties  have  asserted  their  conflicting  claims, 
nd  repeatedly  endeavored,  but  without  succtjss,  to  settle  the  controversy  by  agreeing 
pon  some  permanent  line  of  division.  In  these  negotiations,  the  ablest  and  most  emi- 
ent  statesmen  of  both  countries  have  been  employed,  and  almost  every  questictn  of 


9 

fact  and  of  national  law  that  could  aflfect  the  acquisition  of  title  to  newly-discovered  f*'  ^  ^^}^^* 
countries  has  been  considered  as  involved  in  this  controversy,  and  has  been  discussed  **'  >rl>itra 
with  the  greatest  learning  and  ability.  Y^^''  }^^  ' 

The  first  difficulty  in  these  discussions  was  to  investigate  and  ascertain  the  true  state  "?  "'^^  ° 
of  the/ac/«  and  circutnatancea  alleged  as  the  grounds  of  the  respective  claims.  This,  '^  ^^^  *'" 
to  some  extent,  was  to  bt  traced  by  the  doubtful  evidence  furnished  by  the  narratives  of  ^^  ^^1  o' 
early  navigators,  of  voyages  along  the  northwest  coast,  of  occasional  landings,  settins  '^i^llel  of 
up  of  crosses,  and  other  symbolical  and  equivoc.l  acts  of  possession,  settlement,  and  "mbia  riv 
ownership.  But  when  that  difficulty  was  overcome,  and  where  the  facts  were  indis-  ?  '"®  bou 
putable,  the  still  greater  difficulty  remained  of  giving  to  each  of  those  facts  and  circum<  '^^ory  has 
stances  its  proper  appreciation  and  effect,  and  determining  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  ^nventior 
territorial  right  it  conferred  in  that  vast  and  unappropriated  region.  '^^e  P' 

These  difficulties  have  hitherto  prevented  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  from  ^ounces  tl 
agreeing  upon  any  amicable  adjustment  of  their  claims.  )rovi3ion  i 

I  do  not  intend  to  enter  into  any  investigation  or  argument  of  those  conflicting  claims.  O'^i'  occuj 
They  still  remain  as  subjects  for  diplomatic  discussion  and  negotiation,  and  so  long  as  '^^^  <iu< 
that  is  the  case,  it  seems  to  me  that  such  discussions  in  the  Senate  would  be  somewhat  ^^  questic 
premature  and  inappropriate,  and  more  likely  to  embarniss  thin  to  aid  our  Govemmeni  luences,  tl 
in  the  conduct  of  its  negotiations  on  the  subject.  I  shall  therefore  refrain  from  pro<  ^'^^  chang 
nouncing  any  opinion  on  the  claims  in  question,  further  tlian  this,  that  it  does  seem  to  5<"ne.  Ai 
me,  that  whether  we  consult  the  law  of  nations,  or  the  dictates  of  our  own  reason,  the  inued  it  i 
only  good  and  valid  grounds  of  title  to  newly-discovered  territory  are  actual  occupation  "whatever  : 
and  settlement.  Discovery  may  give  the  right  to  occupy  and  settle,  but  occupation  andi*">ly  ^fue 
settlement  only  can  give  tide.  According  to  these  principles,  our  own  proper  American  '^nder  the 
title  to  the  Columbia  river,  and  the  country  drained  by  it,  extending  at  least  to  the  49th  ^^  questio 
degree  of  latitude,  stands  on  more  clear  and  distinct  ground  than  that  which  we  derive  ^^  "po*  q*^ 
from  the  Spanish  claim  to  the  residue  of  the  territory  in  question.  hemselvea 

Such  are  the  sources,  and  such  the  general  character,  of  the  claims  of  the  United"  strength 
States  and  Great  Britain  to  the  Oregon  territory.     To  ascertain  the  state  and  preson 
condition  of  the  controversy,  in  respect  to  which  we  are  now  ".ailed  upon  to  act,  it  will 
be  proper  to  advert  for  a  moment  to  the  proceedings  and  negotiations  that  have  takei 
place  on  the  subject  between  the  Governments  of  the  two  countries. 

As  early  as  1807,  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  instructions  to  our  Ministers  at  the  Couit  of  St 
James,  manifested  his  earnest  desire  that  the  boundary  line  of  49°  north,  which  hai  "'ith  them 
been  agreed  on  as  the  line  of  division  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  or  neans  has 
this  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  should  be  extended  across  them  to  the  Pacific  ocean.  ^S^  of  re| 
But  this  could  not  then  be  effected.  las  this  qu 

In  1818,  a  further  attempt  was  made  to  adjust  the  claims  of  the  two  nations,  by  eserved  as 
agreeing  upon  a  line  of  division  between  them ;  but  failing  in  this,  the  negotiation  ter<  '^en  perve 
minated  in  a  convention,  to  continue  in  force  for  ten  years;  by  which  it  was  agreed,  'he  Democ 
that  the  territory  should  be  open  and  free  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  both;  that,  iii  late  for  th( 
effect,  there  should  be,  for  the  stipulated  period,  a  joint  occupation  by  both  nations,  >ther  care  < 
without  prejudice  to  the  rights  of  either.  >s  a  soundi 

This  convention  was  made  expresshr  '•  to  prevent  disputes  and  differences,*'  coa  'lear  and  u 
cerning  which  the  parties  could  not  then  agree  upon  any  final  settlement.  mpose  it  a 

In  182.3,  another  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  by  negotiation  to  agree  upon  some  his  chamb 
line  of  division.  )emocrati< 

In  1827,  when  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy  for  ten  years  was  about  to  expire  ^en  by  the 
another  negotiation  was  opened,  and  a  further  attempt  made  to  settle  the  controversy  bj  ^reside nt  r 
establishing  some  line  of  partition  and  boundary.  But  the  parties  being  still  unaUc  tf^  means  that 
agree  on  any  such  line,  the  negotiation  ended  in  an  agreement  to  continue  indefinitelj  ictiou  in  h< 
the  convention  of  1818,  with  the  privilege  reserved  to  either  party  to  abrogate  it  upor  >et;n  better 
giving  one  year's  notice  to  the  other.  The  contro 

To  setUe  this  long  continued  dispute  another  negotiation  was  recently  undertaken,  it  ^n  our  part 
the  course  of  which  each  party  proposed  a  line  of  division,  which  was  rejected  by  th(  "»d  elsewh 
other.  And  upon  this  mutual  rejection  of  the  Jirat  propositions  of  the  parties,  the  ne  *l^*n  posse 
gotiation,  though  not  broken  off,  seems  to  have  been  suspended,  without  further  effor  subjects  of 


n  fact,  hai 

ave  had  a 

oon  and  q 

But,  as 

rought  inl 


vly-diacovered  **'  *  aetdementt  except  that  the  British  made,  and  the  President  riejected,  a  propositioit 
l)een  discussed  ^^  arbitration  of  the  controversy.     Since  this  suspension,  in  the  summer  of  the  last 

frear,  the  negotiators  on  the  part  of  the  two  Governments  appear  to  have  been  stand- 
I  the  true  state  ^8  '^i^^*  o"  ^°^^  ground  of  policy  or  ceremony,  each  apparently  waiting  for  the  other 

to  take  the  Hrst  step. 
In  all  our  negotiations  on  this  subject,  we  have  constantly  oflercd  to  adopt  the  49th 
ndings,  setting  '^r^llel  of  latitude,  and  the  British  Government  as  constantly  offered  to  adopt  the  Go- 
lettlement,  ana  ""ibia  river  as  the  line  of  division;  and  so  far  neither  party  has  been  willing  to  accede 
cts  were  indis-  '°  ^^^  boundary  offered  by  the  other.  The  consequence  has  been  that  the  Oregon  Ter- 
Its  and  circum-  ritory  has  remained,  as  it  now  is,  in  the  joint  occupation  of  the  parties,  in  virtue  of  the 
1  extent  of  the  inventions  of  1818  and  1827. 

The  President,  in  his  message  at  the  commencement  of  our  present  session,  an- 
at  Britain  frora^'^*"^''^"  ^^^  result  of  the  late  negotiation,  and  recommends  that  Congress  shall  make 

>rovi3ion  for  his  giving  notice  to  Great  Britain  for  the  abrogation  of  the  convention  of 
flicting  claims.  ^'"^  occupancy,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve  months, 
and  so  long  ac  '^^^  question  now  before  us  is,  whether  we  shall  make  that  provision.  I  regret  that 
d  be  somewhat  '^^  question  has  been  agitated  now.  But  for  that  agitation,  and  its  probable  conse* 
Lir  Govemmeni  luences,  the  convention,  though  it  could  not  long  have  remained  suitable  to  the  changed 
from  pro-  '"'^  changing  condition  of  Oregon,  might,  perhaps,  have  sufficed  fur  some  time  to. 


ram 


t  does  seem  taf^'''*^*  ^"d,  in  my  judgment,  it  was  the  best  policy  of  the  United  States  to  have  con- 
wn  reason,  the  iinued  it  in  force  as  long  as  it  was  found  safe  and  practicable  so  to  do ;  because 
tual  occupation  "whatever  may  have  been  the  state  of  things  in  the  territory  in  time  past,  it  is  cer- 
occupation  am  ^inly  true  that  recently  the  emigration  to  Oregon  is  mainly  from  the  UniiCd  States, 
oper  American  '^nder  the  silent  operation  of  this  continued  emigration,  we  should  have  had,  whenever 
last  to  the  40th  ^^  question  of  title  came  to  be  settled  by  arms,  if  that  were  unavoidable,  n  power  on 
hich  we  derive  ^^  "P^t  quite  capable  of  maintaining  their  own  rights.     Our  setders  would  have  spread 

hemselves  over  the  territory;  and,  although  I  grant  that  this  would  not  have  increased 
of  the  UnitecA^'  strengthened,  or  in  any  manner  aff'c'cted  our  legal  right  to  the  country,  yet  it  would, 
te  and  preson  ^  f^U  have  afforded  a  strong  practical  support  to  such  rights  as  wc  had.  We  should 
n  to  act,  it  wil  '^ve  had  a  strong  power  on  the  spot,  not  easily  expelled,  and  whose  possession  would 
lat  have  takei#oon  and  qniedy  have  setded  in  our  favor  all  questions  of  confficting  titles. 

1    But,  as  things  now  stand,  we  have  no  power  to  choose.     The  question  has  been 

e  Couit  of  St.  irought  into  the  arena  of  our  party  strifes,  and  the  attempt  has  been  made  to  identify  it 

rth,  which  ha(  i^ith  them.     Who  is  it  that  has  thus  prematurely  agitated  this  question  ?     Bv  what 

reat  Britain  or  neans  has  it  been  effected  ?     I  do  not  ask  these  questions  in  any  spirit  or  wicli  any  de- 

Pacific  ocean,  ^g"  of  reproaching  any  body :  I  speak  only  of  the  fact ;-  and  I  again  ask,  by  whom 

las  this  question  been  thus  prematurely  introduced?  How  is  it  that,  instead  of  being 
vo  nations,  by  '^served  as  a  matter  for  diplomatic  arrangement,  this  question,  so  purely  national,  has 

gistrate  as  a  nandi* 

ings,  and  without 

both  nations,tther  care  or  thought  on  the  subject  than  whether  it  might  aid  their  party  nomination, 

IS  a  sounding  manifesto,  resolved,  that  our  tide  to  Oregon'— the  whole  of  Oregon — was 

erences,"  con  'l^ar  and  unquestionable,  and  thus  attempted  to  make  it  the  tenet  of  a  party  creed,  and 

mpose  it  as  such  upon  the  country.     And  now,  sir,  we  are  told  here,  on  the  floor  of 

ree  upon  some  his  chamber,  in  this  Senate  of  die  United  States,  that  the  Senators  belonging  to  the 

)emocratic  party,  and  the  whole  patty  as  a  body,  and  the  Executive  himself  as  cho- 

bout  to  expire  >en  by  them,  are  bound  by  this  resolution ;  that  they  would  be  treacherous,  and  the 

controversy  bj  'resident  most  of  all,  to  the  extent  that  they  dared  to  depart  from  it.     It  is  k  *  these 

'  still  unable  tr  neans  that  this  Oregon  question  has  become  matter  of  ardent  party  discussion  auv  party 

lue  indefiniteh  'ctiuu  ia  both  Houses  of  Congress  and  throughout  the  country.     I  think  it  would  have 

)rogate  it  upor  >et;n  better  had  we  remained  quiet  under  the  existing  convention  for  some  years  to  come. 

The  controversy  could  then  have  been  reopened  with  better  means  and  better  prospects 

undertaken  it '"  our  part.     But  that  is  now  no  longer  possible.     A  feeling  has  been  gotten  up,  here 

ejected  by  thi  ""d  elsewhere,  that  will  spread  westward  till  it  has  passed  the  Rocky  Mountains  and 

parties,  the  ne  'A^^n  possession  of  our  setdcrs  there.     They  are  interspersed  promiscuously  with  the 

it  further  effoi  i^ubjects  of  Great  Britam  in  the  territor)',  and  both  will  soon  become  animated  by  the 


when  'y 


feelings  which  prevnil  in  their  respective  counlries.  Neighbors,  who  have  heretofore 
lived  in  harmony  and  mutual  good  will,  will  come  to  regard  each  other  with  a  hostile 
spirit,  difficulties  will  spring  up,  and  they  will  be  prepared,  on  both  sides,  to  settle  the^t 
quarrels  by  a  resort  to  force;  blood  will  be  shed,  and  a  war  will  be  forced  upon  us, 
M'heiher  we  will  or  not. 

To  prevent  such  conspqtiences,  this  question  must  bo  disposed  of  in  some  way. 
Shall  we  dispose  of  it  by  adopting  the  measure  recommended  to  us  by  the  Presi* 
dent?  I  believe,  under  the  circumstances,  that  pence  will  be  less  endangered  by 
giving  <he  notice  he  asks,  than  by  leaving  the  matter  as  it  is.  The  reasons  for  this 
are,  I  think,  suflficieuily  obvious.  The  objection  to  giving  the  notice  proposed  is, 
that  it  will  not  facilitate  negotiation;  that  it  is  a  measure  unfriendly  in  its  aspect;  thai 
it  will  be  HO  regarded  by  England,  and  will  operate  to  diminish  the  chances  of  a  peace- 
ful settlement  of  the  difficulty.  In  itself,  the  notice  is  not  an  unfriendly  measure;  it  iM 
a  conventional  provision.  We  bargained  with  Great  Britain  for  the  right  to  give  such  a 
notice  whenever  we  pleased,  and  we  conceded  to  her  a  similar  right  on  her  part.  But, 
though  not  a  hostile  measure  in  itself,  it  may,  by  the  terms  in  which  it  is  expressed,  be 
made  to  have  the  appearance  and  the  tone  of  defiance;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
terms  in  which  it  is  given  may  clearly  show  that  it  is  designed  only  as  a  means  of  ami- 
cable settlement.  Its  hostile  character,  if  it  has  any,  must  arise  from  the  circumstanoee 
thrown  around  it,  or  from  the  tone  and  manner  in  which  it  is  conveyed.  Extraneous 
circumstances  alone  can  possibly  expose  it  to  the  interpretation  of  being  an  unfriendly 
measure.  If,  then,  the  measure  be  not  hostile  in  itself,  and  if  the  terms  in  which  it  ie 
given,  instead  of  menace  or  detiance,  breathe  only  the  spirit  of  peace,  how  can  it  be 
considered  as  offiensive  ;  and  why  should  we  suppose  beforehand  that  it  will  be  so  un- 
derstood? It  is  said  that  it  Avill  not  facilitate  a  settlement.  However  that  may  be,  it 
certainly  will  not  increase  the  danger  of  war.  It  is  certainly  true  that,  after  all, 
we  shall  have  given  the  notice  in  the  most  amicable  spirit  and  terms,  we  may  neverthe 
less  fail  in  the  negotiation,  and  war  may  be  the  result.  But,  if  war  does  come,  it  will 
not  be  in  consequence  of  the  notice  now  proposed :  it  will  be  the  effect  of  the  con* 
troversy  itself;  it  will  be  die  result  of  ill  temper  on  the  one  side  or  the  other,  and  a 
want  of  WISDOM  in  managing  the  affair. 

We  have  negotiated  from  1807  until  now,  nearly  forty  years,  and  yet  without  any 
practical  result.     And  why  ?     Because  for  a  long  time  past — ever  since  the  year 
—the  subject  and  the  parties  have  been  under  the  shelter  and  protection  of  that  coH' 
vention  which  we  now  propost  to  annul — a  convention  which,  during  its  continuance 
secured  to  both  parties  equal  enjoyment  of  possession,  and  preserved,  without  preju- 
dice, their  ultimate  rights. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  all  attempts  at  a  definite  and  final  settlement  of  the  con' 
flicting  claims  of  the  parties  have  been  hut  empty  diplomacy,  and  wholly  without  conse' 
quence ;  because  each  party  could  safely  withdraw  from  it  if  it  was  not  pleased  with  the 
terms  offered. 

If  this  has  been  the  result  for  more  than  thirty  years,  is  it  not  likely  to  continue  to 
be  so  if  the  negotiation  is  conducted  under  the  like  cirsumstances  ?     Great  Britain  is  now 
in  the  joint  occupation  of  the  territory  with  us.     She  will  derive  from  the  division  oi 
the  territory  less  advantage  than  she  now  enjoys.     Will  she  not  rather  have  the  presen 
state  of  things  continue?     Certainly  she  will :  it  is  natural  she  should,  and,  so  long 
the  convention  continues,  all  negotiation  between  us  will  be  without  consequence,  as  it 
is  without  responsibility.     Either  party  can  safely  retire  from  it,  and  wait  for  a  bet 
ter  prospect  of  success.     But,  when  the  convention  shall  have  been  abrogated,  t! 
subject  then  becomes  practical,  and  negotiation,  instead  of  being  mere  theory,  hypothe< 
sis,  and  diplomatic  logic,  becomes  a  sensible,  respectable,  effectual  thing ;  and,  insteai 
of  either  party  having  a  shelter  to  fly  to  whenever  the  course  of  the  negotiation  has  an 
unfavorable  aspect  upon  its  interests,  both  of  them  must  look  each  other  solemnly  in  the 
face,  under  the  conviction  that,  unless  they  can  agree,  the  result  may,  and  probably  must 
be,  war. 

Here,  then,  they  will  feel  themselves  to  be  acting  under  an  awful  responsibility.     Is 
it  hoping  too  much  to  anticipate  that,  when  the  shelter  is  taken  from  both,  and  a  practi- 


oal  appeal 
war— is  it 

rrangemc 
eover  of 
we  have  d 
of  their  ii 
of  the  com 
on  the  coi 
>ably  incr 
n  by  re 
danger  at 
Why,  the 
If  we  h 
vention,  tl 
then  the  e 
Bur  beneii 

o  from  til 
io  long  as 
oint  occu 
>oth.  It  j 
•n  the  joir 
tinues  eve 
Every  Am 
with  the 


1818  ??P 


ourpeo 

id  vantage 

torn  the  L 

It  appea 

improved, 

sircumstan 

In  the  si 

perhap 

We  have  s 

tUl.     Wh 

18,  in  the  i 

wldly  and 

^et  concili: 

sontrovers; 

>e  less  thai 

ind  accidei 

rican  and  i 

Do  genti 

the  Aine 

e  warlike 

;«n,  that  a 

iroused  ? 

Dnegon,  ar 

ntme 

Influence  v 

\  iritish 


f>f 


nei 
hem  woul 
night  kind 
This  sta 
>eople  in  t 
ect  is  undi 
uid  to  wai 
retain  the  ( 


nve  heretofore 

with  a  hofttile 

to  iettle  the>f 

>rced  upon  ui, 


in  Bome  way 
by  the   Presi 
ndangered  by 
casons  for  this 


8  aspect 

les 

measure 


oal  appeal  is  made  to  thorn  in  behalf  of  peace,  by  the  sacrifices  which  must  attend  « 

war— is  it,  I  say,  too  much  to  hope  that,  thus  pressed,  they  may  come  to  some  amicable 

rrangement?     At  all  events,  I  ask,  does  the  continuance  of  both  parlies,  under  the 

eover  of  this  convention,  promise  an  easier  future  to  either?     No,  sir.     Now  that 

we  have  departed  from  that  quiet  policy,  under  which  our  people,  in  the  ttatural  course 

of  their  increasinj;  emigration,  would  soon  have  spread  over  and  possessed  themselves 

of  the  country ;  now  that  the  agitation  and  excitement  of  the  subject  has  been  obtruded 

on  the  country,  the  sooner  we  settle  it  the  better.     Every  day,  every  hour,  will  more  pro- 

nroDoscd  is    '><^ly 'increase  rathei  than  diminish  the  difficulties  of  a  settlement.     What,  then,  shall  we 

aspect •  that  f^'"  ^^  refusing  the  notice?     That  which  we  put  off  to  day,  from  the  apprehension  of 

of  a  peace-  ^*"?*''  ^'  ■  distance,  we  must  approach  to-morrow  under  danger  increased  by  delay. 

asure '  it  ie  ^^X'  *''•'"'  "ot  meet  it  at  once  ? 

to  ffive  s'nch  a      '^  ^^  ^^^^  unwisely  precipitated  upon  ourselves  the  necessity  of  abrogating  the  con- 

er  nart      But   *^^'^''°'^<  there  will,  perhaps,  result  to  us  one  advantage  from  its  abrogation,  in  this,  that 

expressed   be  ^*"  *^*^  emigration  and  settlement  of  our  people  in  Oregon  will  enure  exclusively  to 

ither  hand  'the  ""  benefit,  and  the  confirmation  of  our  title.     Though  the  great  mass  of  emigrants  must 

.«„„».  «f  !.«.;    to  from  the  United  States  to  that  country,  vet,  under  the  operation  of  the  convention, 
means  ot  ami-  *    ,  .     .  ,  ,      •         i  /.        *  ,     .     ■  ,.    ■ 

cirnumstancee  '°  ^"^  **  ''  contmues  m  force,  the  settlement  there  of  our  people  is  but  part  ot  the' 

Extraneous  ***'*^  occupancy  of  the  United  States  and  England,  and  operates  to  the  equal  benefit  of 
unfriendly  '°^'     ^'  gives  us  no  exclusive  right,  any  more  than  the  settlement  of  one  joint  tenant 
in  which  it  is  "^  ^^^  j*^'"'  estPte  would  give  him  an  exclusive  right.     So  long  as  that  convention  con- 
how  can  it  be  ''""®*  every  setder  holds  the  coimtry  as  much  for  England  as  for  the  United  States, 
will  be  so  un-  l^^ery  American  emigrant  holds  possession  with  one  foot  only  for  his  own  country,  and, 
hat  mav  be  it  ^''^  ^^^  °'''^''<  ^''^'' ^"S^^"'^*     When  the  convention  is  abolished  the  settlements  made 
ifter  all   when  '^  our  people  will  be  our  sole  possession,  and  enure  exclusively  to  our  benefit ;  and  the 
mav  neverthe-  *^v,antage  to  us  will  be  in  proportion  to  the  greater  number  of  emigrants  that  will  go 
R  come  it  will  ^^""^  ^^^  United  States  than  from  England, 
ct  of  the  con-     '*  appears  to  me,  Mr.  President,  that  the  prospect  of  an  amicable  adjustment  will  be 

other  and  a  '"iproved,  not  obstr'icted,  by  the  notice,  if  it  be  given  in  teims  of  amity,  and  without 
:ircumstances  of  offence. 

without  anv     '"  *^®  situation  into  which  we  have  been  hurried,  by  impatience  and  impolicy,  we 
the  vear  1818  ''"  Perhaps  take  no  course  that  is  entirely  free  from  danger.     The  danger  is  upon  us. 

of  that  con-  ^®  ^^^^  stirred  it  up.     We  cannot  now  avert  it  by  inaction.     We  cannot  now  stand 
s  continuance  *^'     ^'•''^  *^  hesitate  and  delay  it  will  thicken  around  us.     The  safest  course  for 
without  nreiu-  "'  *"  ^^^  midst  of  these  difficulties,  is  to  go  forward  with  this  notice,  and,  confronting 
^  K>ldly  and  at  once  the  unavoidable  perils  in  our  way,  endeavor,  by  a  last,  decided,  and 

nt  of  the  con-  ^®^  conciliatory  -igotiation,  to  setUe,  peacefully  ami  permanendy,  this  long-continued 
without  conse->  ^n^oversy.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  danger  of  putting  the  dispute  upon  that  issue  will 
eased  with  the  ^  ^""  ^^"^  ^^^  danger  that  will  result  from  leaving  the  whole  matter  to  the  irritations 
uid  accidents  of  the  future,  and  to  the  imminent  chances  of  collision  between  the  Ame- 
to  continue  to  '^''*"  '""^  British  inhabitants  of  Oregon. 

Britain  is  now     ^**  gentlemen  suppose  that  our  countrymen  in  Oregon,  Americans  by  birth,  children 

division  of  ^^  ^^  American  soil,  and  trained  under  our  free  institutions,  can  hear  the  fervent  voices, 

ve  the  nresent  ^^  warlike  declamation  and  fierce  denunciations  of  England,  and  rll  her  claims  to  Ore- 

nd  so  lone  ae  ^"*  ^"^  ^'^  uttered  in  this  Hall,  without  having  all  their  sympathies  and  feelings 


as  It 


irotued  ?     No,  sir,  that  cannot  be. 


Those  speeches  and  denunciations  will  be  read  in 

increased  bv  all  the 
That 


'ait  for  a  "bet-P*^"*'  *"*'  ^'^^  ^'^^^  *"  influence  upon  its  American  population,  increased  by 
abrogated  the  -**chantments  that  distance  and  recollections  of  their  far-off  native  land  can  give, 
■orv  hvoothe-  °^*'®'*''*  w*''*  *<*®»  probably  lead  them  to  look  with  jealousy  and  hostility  upon  their 

and   inistead  ^"*'*^  neighbors,  and  to  regard  them  as  intruders  and  enemies.     Collisions  between 
btiation  has  an  ■^®"'  would  soon  follow  ;  and  all  can  see  how  readily  a  petty,  obscure  conflict  there, 
olemnlv  in  the  ^•J''**  kindle  war  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 

nrobablv  must     '^^^^  "'*'^  o^  things  will  be  guarded  against  by  giving  the  notice  now.     When  the 
"  ^  >eople  in  tlic  territory  know  that  their  joint  occupation  is  soon  to  end,  and  that  the  sut)- 

insibilitv      Is  *^* ''  "'"^^''  discussion  by  their  respective  Governments,  they  will  be  content  to  wait, 

and  a  oracti-  "**^  ***  *^*''  ^l"'®''/'  *''^  ^^Y  *^^  ^^^  ®"<^  arrived  at.     Thus  the  two  Governments  will 
^       '  etain  the  questioa  in  their  own  hands;  but,  rely  upon  it,  if  you  cast  it  off  the  people 


will  take  it  up.  You  may  avoid  danger  here  for  a  moment,  but  you  create  danger  at  u 
distance,  and  permit  a  state  of  things  to  arise  under  which  the  convention  which  you 
refuse  to  annul  must  soon  unnul  itself.  That  treaty,  when  made,  may  have  been,  and  ~ 
think  was,  wise.  1  cannot  agree  with  some  gentlemen  who  have  expressed  an  oppo- 
site opinion.  The  convention,  in  my  judgment,  was  a  wise  one  when  made;  it  wa« 
demanded  by  the  circumstunces  and  by  the  mterests  of  both  countries.  Hut,  however 
judicious  it  may  then  have  been,  it  is  inapplicable  to  the  present  slate  of  things 
was  then  an  almost  uninhabited  wilderness.  Now  setllemenUi,  both  American  and 
British,  have  been  formed,  and  are  forming,  which  may  require  the  control  and  protec' 
tion  of  law;  and  yet,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy* 
neither  the  United  States  nor  Great  Britain  can  do  more  than  legislate  for  its  own  citi- 
zens or  subjects.  And  when  both  have  legislated,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  under 
the  convention,  what  a  pictuie  of  government  would  it  present?  English  laws  prevail- 
ing over  English  settlers,  and  American  laws  governing  American  settlers;  and  the  two 


classes  of  settlers  intermingled  in  daily  intercourse  ami  the  nearest  connexion.     Instead  feel  the  ir 


of  the  E] 
has  asked 
aflbrded  t 
tions  will 
and  war. 
Does  i 
Itland  are, 
them? 
or  is  ir.ter 
Its  appeal 
demands  i 
and  inimc 
conduct  a 
have  one 


issue,  as 
It  is  the  I 
nations, 
an  issue, 
consequei 


of  a  Government  preserving  peace,  protecting  rights  of  person  and  property,  and  ad- 
ministering justice,  it  will  be,  rnthcr,  a  legal  invitation  to  collision  and  disorder.  Ita 
very  feebleness  will  be  a  provocation  to  violence — a  constant  source  of  irritation  natu 
rally  leading  to  outrage.  Supposing  a  dispute  arises  or  a  wrong  is  done,  it  cannot  be 
settled  before  an  English  judge,  because  the  American  settler  will  never  submit  to  Eng- 
lish jurisdiction.  It  cannot  he  settled  before  an  American  judge,  because  the  English  have  rio  e 
settler  will  make  the  like  refiisal.  What  peace,  then,  can  there  be  in  such  a  conflict  oi  ^|>eir  feeli 
laws  and  jurisdictions  i  It  can  lead  only  to  anarchy;  it  can  prove  only  a  source  silenced  h 
of  "confusion  worse  confounded."  The  time  has  come  when  the  territory  is  fast  be-  ^|>e  age — 
coming  peopled — when  there  exists,  instead  of  a  few  scattered  hunters,  a  social  com-  ^O"  cannc 
munity;  and  law  is  becoming  necessary  to  its  safety  and  well  being.  Tiie  territory  has  sure  to  be 
passed  from  that  condition  when  the  convention  was  suflicient  for  its  necessities  and  adapt-  '  g>v6  >t  ii 
ed  to  its  circumstances.  The  time  has  arrived  when  each  portion  of  the  community  must  measure  t 
take  that  which  is  its  own,  and  must  be  subject  to  one  exclusive  jurisdiction.  For  these  yet  I  thii 
reasons  I  am  in  favor  of  a  notice.  I  regret,  as  I  said  at  first,  the  necessity  for  giving  it  meet  the 
at  this  time,  but  it  is  now  irretrievable.  Given  it  must  be,  in  some  form;  and  if  we  crisis  of  1 
give  it  in  the  form  now  proposed,  I  feel  a  strong  hope,  a  confident  hope,  that  the  whole  way  ^e  p 
difficulty  can  and  will  be  settled.  If  this 

When  we  shall  have  authorized  the  notice  proposed,  we  shall  have  placed  the  whole  ^^eje  mue 
subject  at  the  disposal  of  the  President.  It  is  his  business  to  conduct  diplomatic  nego<  hility  of  < 
tiations;  to  take  care  of  our  territorial  rights  and  interests,  and  watch  for  the  preserva-  on  l"""  ™ 
tion  of  peace.  Clothed  with  this  authority  and  these  responsibilities,  he  has  recom-  fail  to  do 
mended  that  we  authorize  him  to  give  this  notice.  He  asks  for  it  at  our  handn  as  i  a  people, 
measure  calculated  to  render  negotiations  more  effectual.  He  has  told  us  that  his  course  of  comini 
will  be  directed  to  the  preservation  of  the  peaceful  relations  of  the  country.  Can  i  will  be  hi 
then  be,  that  he  asks  for  this  measure  merely  that  he  may  bring  on  more  speedily  am  show  thai 
surely  a  state  of  war  f  No,  this  cannot  have  been  his  motive.  I  say  so,  because,  i'  **"«'  a  dep 
the  very  same  message  in  which  he  recommends  the  notice,  he  expresses  his  hope  a  promise, 
an  amicable  setUement.  This  is  strong  evidence:  but  we  have  evidence  yet  stronger  ir  the  civilia 
the  action  of  the  President.  I  am  confident  that  he  did  not  intend  a  war;  for  is  it  con-  tribunal  tl 
ceivable.  if  he  had,  that  he  could  have  so  far  forgotten  every  obligation  of  duty,  and  th< 
most  obvious  dictates  of  common  sense,  as  not  to  have  recommended  to  Congress  8om< 
measures  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  country  ? 

The  whole  course  of  the  Administration  deems .  to  imply,  that  whatever  danger  o 
war  we  may  see,  or  think  we  see,  whether  in  the  Executive  message  or  in  the  diplo 
matic  correspondence,  and  whatever  uncertainty,  apprehension,  and  excitement  maj 
prevail  in  the  country,  there  never  has  been,  in  the  view  of  the  President  and  his  con. 
fidential  advisers,  any  real  danger.  While  all  is  apprehension,  and  uncertainty,  and  in 
qniry,  and  surprise  out  of  doors,  the  Administration  seem  to  sit  in  the  recesses  of  the 
White  House  in  all  the  confident  serenity  of  assured  peace.  They  neither  take  them> 
•elves,  nor  advise  us  to  take,  a  single  step  which  looks  towards  a  preparation  for  war 
I  infer^  and  the  inference  seems  to  jne  irresistible,  that  the  purpose  and  the  expectatioi 


his  judges 
is  before 
The  Pi 
been  done 
try,  who 
boundary 
northern  1 
Jetferson 
offered  hi 
49°;  and 
offered  y( 


latc  danger  at  m 

ion  which  you 

ivc  been,  and  I 

;88cd  an  oppo- 

mude;  it  was 

Hut,  however 

of  things 

American 

Irol  and  protec- 

tnt  occupancy. 


of  the  Executive  ii  peace.  And  it  is  in  this  spirit  that  I  will  believe  that  the  Prcaident 
has  asked  for  this  notice,  to  strengthen  his  hands  in  negotiating,  by  taking  off  the  covert 
afforded  to  both  parties  by  the  existing  convention.  When  tnat  ia  done,  the  two  na- 
tions will  come  up  to  the  question  in  thb  full  view  of  the  responsibilities  of  pcaea 
and  war. 

Does  any  gentleman  think  that  great,  and  bold,  and  fearless  as  both  nations  mar  be, 

Itjand  are,  that  such  a  posture  of  things  will  exert  no  solemn,  no  paritic  influence  apoa 

and|them  ?     They  must  be  more  or  less  than  men  if  it  did  not.     Not  tliat  this  will  operate, 

or  is  intended  to  operate  as  a  pressure,  appealing   to  the  apprehensions  of  eitlier  party. 

Its  appeal  is  to  motives  and  feelings  far  higher  and  nobler  than  mere  personal  (eat.     It 


or  its  own  citi-  demands  no  sacrifice  of  national  honor,  none ;  it  only  sumnionH  their  attenuon  to  a  solemn 


r  power  under 
ih  laws  prevail 
s;  and  the  two 
xion.  Instead 
operty,  and  ad 
disorder.  Its 
irritation  nata 
le,  it  cannot  be 
submit  to  Eng- 


ch  a  conflict  of 
only  a  source 
itory  is  fast  be< 
a  social  com- 
lie  territory  has 
ities  and  adapt- 
^mmunity  must 
ion.  For  these 
ity  for  giving  it 
)rm;  and  if  we 
that  the  whole 

aced  the  whole 
iplomatic  nego- 
>t  the  preserva- 
he  has  recom' 
ur  hands  as  i 
that  his  course 


and  immediate  consideration  of  the  great  questions  of  peace  and  war.  If  those  who 
conduct  a  negotiation  under  such  circumstances  deserve  the  name  of  sutesmen :  1/  they 
have  one  of  the  high  qualities  which  ought  to  inspire  men  so  entrusted,  lliey  cannot  bot 
feel  the  influence  of  their  solemn  position.  They  will  then  be  dealing  witli  no  feigned 
issue,  as  they  were,  so  long  as  the  cover  of  the  convention  was  over  the  heads  of  h>th. 
It  is  the  real  and  the  solemn  issue  of  peace  or  war  between  two  great  and  powerful 
nations.  I  cannot  believe,  when  they  stand  side  by  side  in  the  immediate  view  of  such 
an  issue,  with  a  prospect  in  the  distance  of  all  the  consequences  whirh  miut  follow— 
consequences  which  are  to  be  the  immediate  work  of  their  own  hands — thai  it  will 


se  the  English  ^lavo  no  ennobling,  no  elevating  eflcct  upon  their  thoughts,  no  purifying  influence  upon 
their  feelings  and  their  motives?  Passion,  and  pride,  and  selflshness  must  be  aved  and 
silenced  by  the  Ncnse  of  such  a  solemn  responsibility.  It  would  shame  ih:;  vi*tloin  of 
the  age— it  would  disgrace  the  morality  of  both  countries,  to  believe  that  such  a  qoes. 
tion  cannot  be  amicably  arranged  between  them.  I  look  upon  the  result  uf  this  mea- 
sure to  be  peace  between  us.  I  understand  the  notice  to  be  recommended  with  that  Tiew. 
I  give  it  in  the  spirit  of  peace  and  of  conciliation  in  which  it  was  asked.  It  is  the  best 
measure  toward  peace  which  is  now  left  to  us;  and,  though  there  may  be  danger  in  it, 
yet  I  think  tuat  the  danger  is  less  than  would  result  from  the  other  course.  Lri  us  not 
meet  the  case  with  the  folly  of  rash  and  reckless  men,  but  as  wise  men  should  meet  a 
crisis  of  thoir  country — with  moderation,  with  flrmness,  and  in  such  a  temper  that  we 
may  be  prepared  to  meet  the  issue  before  both  God  and  man. 

If  this  dispute  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  be  not  setUed  amicably, 
there  must  be  a  grievous  fault  somewhere.  With  the  President  will  rest  the  respoosi- 
bility  of  conducting,  on  our  part,  all  negotiations  for  the  settlement  of  that  dispute,  and 
on  him  may  depend  the  issues  of  peace  or  war.  Let  him  look  well  to  it.  If  be  shall 
fail  to  do  all  his  duty  ;  if,  entrusted  as  he  is  with  the  peace  as  well  as  the  rights  of  such 
a  people,  he  shall  omit  to  do  all  within  his  power  to  preserve  botli,  and  shall,  by  acts 
of  commission  or  omission,  plunge  his  country  into  an  unnecessary  war,  bow  feaifid 


re  speedily  ant 
so,  because,  i^ 
ses  his  hope  o 
yet  stronger  in 
r;  for  is  it  con- 
f  duty,  and  th< 
Congress  som< 

ever  danger  o 
>r  in  the  diplo- 
xcitement  maj 
nt  and  his  coa 
rtainty,  and  in- 
recesses  of  th( 
iher  take  them- 
iration  for  war 
the  expectatioi 


untry.  Can  ii  will  be  his  responsibility  !  If  war  shall  come,  let  him  see  to  it  that  he  is  prepared  to 
show  that  he  has  offered  all  fair  and  reasonable  terms  of  peace,  or  let  him  be  assured 
that  a  departure  from  his  duty  can  have,  and  will  meet  with,  no  apology-  No  party 
promise,  no  party  pledge,  no  Baltimore  resolutions,  will  be  admitted  by  his  coantry  and 
the  civilized  world  as  an  excuse  for  a  needless  war.  He  will  be  amenable  to  a  higher 
tribunal  than  an  assembly  of  party  politicians.  The  people  of  the  United  Stales  wiU  be 
his  judges;  nay,  the  people  of  the  whole  civilize  '  '^rld  will  sit  upon  his  cooduct;  it 
is  before  them  he  will  have  to  stand.  The  page  ot  history  will  record  the  senienee. 
The  President  has  the  whole  history  of  this  case  before  him ;  he  knows  all  thai  has 
been  done.  The  patriots,  the  sages,  the  pure  and  practical  statesmen  of  our  own  coun- 
try, who  in  former  times  treated  of  this  subject,  have  all  agreed  upon  the  same  line  as  a 
boundary  between  us  and  England.  Mr.  Jefferson  desired  the  parallel,  which  was  oar 
northern  limit  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  to  be  extended  westward  to  the  sea.  Mr. 
Jefferson  went  for  49°.  In  1818  your  Government,  in  its  negotiation  with  En^iaod. 
offered  her  4U°.  In  1823  you  again  offered  49°.  In  1827  you  repeated  your  offer  of 
49°;  and  again  in  1844  you  proposed  to  her  49°.  The  British  Government  as  ot'iea 
offered  you  the  Columbia  river.     The  President  has  this  in  all  its  details  before  him. 


Whether  he  shall  iniist  on  extreme  pretensioni,  or  ■hall,  with  firmneat  but  moderation  Wa  are  ■ 
conduct  negotiation  with  a  view  to  the  nmicnbic  iotllement  of  our  difncultiea,  he  ia  ame  'ore,  it  ia 
nable  to  tho  judgment  of  his  country.  He  lias  the  whole  field  before  him.  There  ia  i  byaical  on 
way  that  leads  lo  peace ;  there  is  a  way  that  loads  to  wor — both  open  before  him ;  le  'hich  it  ms 
him  choose,  at  his  peril.  """  ''^  •  ■ 

The  iniiller  in  dispute  involves  no  question  of  national  honor.  It  is  simply  a  ques  fr  dominir 
tion  of  boundary;  and,  in  such  a  cast)  an  honest  statesman,  before  proceeding  to  the  ex  fill  be  ihr 
tremity  of  war,  would  s'op  a  little  to  rumparo  the  value  and  importance  of  the  territory  'ill  not  be 
in  dispute  with  the  cost  and  consequences  of  that  war.  •*  CJrt-ady  to  find  a  quarrel  ii  What  de 
a  straw,"  is  a  sort  of  ambition  to  whirh  the  world  no  longer  gives  countenance.  Al  r  a  year 
•uch  heroics  have  passed  away,  and  have  given  place  to  the  justcr  sentiment  which  re  mtthani  a 
tjuires  of  the  sialcsman  and  ruler,  entrusted  with  tho  interests  and  happiness  of  hii  '&r  lasted  f 
country,  to  save  and  protect  it  from  the  calamity  of  utmeccHsarij  war.  f  *be  parti 

Be  the  value  of  this  territovy  wliai  it  may,  the  dispute  about  it  is  but  a  question  o  »o  o"u  of  i 
jtropr.rty,  unmixed  with  any  point  Oi  .lonor.     It  is  as  purely  a  question  of  property  ai  on,  look  at 
a  dispute  between  two  neighbors  about  the  line  between  their  farms.     Are  they  recrcan  ubjects  wli 
to  all  sense  of  honor,  if  they  do  not  rush  into  the  court-house  and  litigate  the  matter  to  fill  be  the 
ihe  end?     Is  there  any  honor  in  spending  all  they  have  upon  a  lawsuit?     Who  thinki  lillion^ 
BO?     Who  will  reproach  and  contemn  them  if  they  come  to  a  pacific  adjustment  o  >ad  l«»  wo 
their  dispute  f     I  say  tliat  this  question  of  Oregon  is  as  purely  a  question  of  pro; Ttj  lest  man  ii 
as  theirs ;  as  clearly  and  solely  a  question  of  property  as  ever  was  between  nations  >■  mite  an( 

If  there  were  any  great  question  of  principle  involved,  as  tho  honorable  Senator  from  ''ill  the  l*i 
Texas  (Mr.  IIoi;ston)  very  justly  remarked,  if  this  was  a  clear  question  of  the  national  le  fearful  t 
honor,  then  the  cost,  even  to  the  sacrifice  of  life  itself,  ought  not  to  be  counted.  Bui  ut  some  cl 
when  there  is  no  principle  of  ho.ior  in  tlie  matter,  where  it  is  a  mere  dispute  about  pro  On  the  o 
perty,  ought  we  not — I  put  it  to  every  man  in  his  sober  senses — ought  vc  not  to  coun'  onder  on  t 
the  cost  ?  ation,  sine 

I  do  not  design  to  exaggerate  the  conscquniices  of  war — much  less  should  I  think  o  rithin  the  i 
presenting  here  affecting  pictu'cs  of  its  horrors  and  desolations.  I  lay  no  stress  upon  «  if  the  po 
these.  Let  them  all  be  laid  oat  of  the  question.  Still,  war  is  an  evil.  You  may  deck  »  if  the  har 
it  out  in  gorgeous  colors,  gli'.iering  dress,  and  waving  plumes,  and  «lrown  its  cries  and  iti  eemed  to  I 
groans  in  the  loud  blast  of  i!ie  trumpet  and  in  tho  shouts  of  victory  ;  stilt,  sir,  still  war  is  a  rhere  has  t 
mighty  evil.  It  breaks  up  the  relations  of  nations,  involves  them  in  immense  and  ru  It  is  a  litl 
inous  expenditures,  loads  them  with  heavy  burdens  of  taxation,  checks  all  industry  am  ery  feeble, 
commerce,  nd  put-i  a  stop  to  all  social  and  physical  improvements.  And  shall  a  con- ehold?  '1 
eideration  of  all  this  form  no  part  or  portion  of  the  motives  of  national  action?  If,  in-  nent,  from 
deed,  war  built  schooMiouses,  and  meeting-houses,  and  dug  canals,  and  stretched  out  rom  a  few 
railroads ;  if  it  fostered  institutions  for  purposes  of  education  or  charity,  and  cherished  hild  is  bor 
the  interests  of  trade,  of  commerce,  and  of  art,  then  it  would  be  a  thing  to  be  sought  rith  the  sp 
after.  But  as  its  eflect  and  operation  is  direcdy  the  reverse  of  this,  is  it  not  Just,  and  ation  and  I 
wise,  and  right  to  avoid  it,  when  it  can  be  avoided  without  a  sacrifice  of  honor  ?  This  is  ci 

Here  is  a  territory  four  thousand  miles  off,  lying  upon  another  ocean,  whose  com-  ess !  Oui 
mercial  connexions  are  on  the  other  side  of  the  world ;  for  the  most  part  a  barren  and  an  scarcel; 
unbroken  wilderness.  I  do  not  speak  to  deprecate  its  value  ;  I  speak  but  naked  truth  :  ten,  shonl 
the  fact  is  so.  Of  what  great  consequence  is  the  immediate  possession  of  such  a  region  »rce  of  cii 
toihe  people  of  the  United  States?  And  what  are  the  consequences  of  going  to  war  for  ow? 
it?  Let  both  questions  be  looked  at.  Let  us  not  foolishly  and  wilfully  shut  our  eyes 
to  them.  I  do  not  say  we  are  to  look  at  them  with  dread  and  horror — far  from  it.  But, 
if  danger  approaches,  let  us  not  act  like  children,  who  hide  their  faces  lo  get  clear  of  see- 
ing what  they  fear.  Let  us  look  the  danger  in  the  face  like  men.  He  only  is  prepared 
for  danger  who  can  look  al  il  steadily,  with  that  composure  and  int'^pMity  which  become 
a  man.  Look  at  the  consequences.  Determine  whether  you  viil  ^j  to  war  to  enforce 
your  claim  lo  the  *♦  whole"  of  the  disputed  territory  of  Oregon,  r.-.ther  than  settle  ihc 
dispute  on  principles  of  compromise  and  upon  terms  of  par'ittot:  iilc^  those  which  for 
near  forty  years  past  we  ourselves  have  repeatedly  offered. 

Is  this  to  be  a  small  war?     Is  it  to  be  a  war  cotifiaed  to  the  'erri^ory  of  Or;gon?  Let 
us  see. 


Car 
pen  a  tide 
(lUst  we  h( 
or  progref 
he  contin 
etty  Euro 
nee  of  po^ 
entment  it 
evenly  ye 
t  is  justly 
le  alarmct 
Vhat 


can 


but  moderation  W«  are  aaid  to  bo  rather  a  boaaiful  people,  but,  abating  whaterer  you  will  on  that 
Iticn,  he  ii  ante  'ore,  it  ia  not  to  be  denied  tliat  tlua  i«  a  great  and  a  powerful  nation;  of  vaat  moral  and 
ni.  There  ia  i  liysinal  cnrrf^y  ;  and  mpalilc  of  iipplyin^  the  whole  of  that  enerf^  to  uny  rontaat  in 
before  him ;  le  'hich  it  may  onga^t).  England  nl»o  ia  a  ifreat  Power.     Will  a  war  between  two  auch  na- 

one  be  a  amQll  war  t  As  it  liaa  been  proudly  aaid  of  her,  that  the  aun  never  aata  upon 
ainiply  a  ques  n  domiiiiniif*,  to  it  may  be  aaid  that  the  aun  will  never  ael  upon  this  wnr.  Ita  havor 
idini;  to  the  ex  'ill  bo  throughout  the  world.  There  is  no  ocean,  or  aea,  or  shore,  where  Ma  cchoaa 
iif  the  territory  'ill  not  be  hoard. 

nd  a  quarrel  ii  What  debt  will  it  not  leave  behind  it  f  Will  it  be  a  war  of  short  duration— of  a  day 
inicnauce.  A1  r  a  year?  The  honornble  Nenatorfrom  South  Carolina  (Mr.  Calhoun)  im  more  oompe- 
mont  which  re  mt  than  I  am  to  hazHrd  a  calculation  on  either  point.  How  loni^  will  it  laat  f  Our  Aral 
tppineaa  of  hi  'ar  lasted  nevon  yenra.     If  the  duration  of  the  war  is  to  be  in  proportion  to  the  abilitiea 

f  the  parties,  how  long,  I  ask  again,  will  it  last?  /\..tl  whnt  will  be  our  condition  at 
It  a  queation  o  >e  end  of  it  ?  Ought  w«  to  refuse  to  look  at  this  ?  Do  c  not,  in  all  our  acu  of  legisla- 
of  property  ai  on,  look  at  thoconsequonrea  of  the  laws  we  make  ?  \n\  shall  we,  on  one  of  the  greatest 
'0  they  recrean  objects  wiiicli  can  come  liefore  us,  madly  refuse  to  (>.aat  .  glance  at  the  future  f  What 
to  the  matter  tc  'ill  be  the  war  debt?  The  Henator  from  Soiitl.  Carolina  eatimated  it  at  (tve  hundred 
Who  thinki  liliionv  Is  this  a  trifling  burden  to  lay  upon  the  backs  ofoizr  people  ?  Is  this  a  light 
adjustment  o  >ad  Uu  weary  generations  to  groan  under?  Kememl*er  ;hat  tlie  poorest  and  the  hum- 
on  of  pro;  <*rt)  lest  man  in  the  land  will  not  be  without  his  share  of  this  burden,  and  must  contribute 
twccn  nations  ia  mite  and  his  labor  to  its  repayment.  Is  this  a  coniiideration  to  be  kept  out  of  sight? 
e  Senator  from  ^iH  the  President  exclude  it  irom  his  view  ?  or  will  he  not  pauae  long  before  he  incur* 
of  the  national  le  fearful  rasponaibiliiy  of  casting  such  a  burden  upon  them  and  tiirir  children,  witti- 
counted.     Bui  ut  some  clear  necessity  for  it? 

lute  about  prO'  On  the  other  hand,  while  we  look  at  the  consequenrps  of  war,  let  us  for  a  moment 
re  not  to  coun  onder  on  the  wonders  of  our  national  progress  and  prosperity.     Kas  there  ever  been  a 

ation,  since  the  foundation  of  the  world,  which  exhibited  such  a  spectacle  of  progress 
ould  I  think  o  rithin  the  same  length  of  time?  Has  tlie  work!  ever  seen  a  parallel  to  it  ?  It  aeema 
no  stress  upor  s  if  the  powers  of  the  human  intellect  had  just  broken  loose  from  the  slumber  of  ages  ; 
You  may  deck  ■  if  the  hands  of  man  had  acquired  the  power  of  giants  tc  perform  what  was  heretofore 
its  cries  and  iti  eemed  to  belong  to  fable.  Look  at  the  public  works  of  this  young  republic,  and  say 
Ir,  still  war  is  a  rhere  has  so  murh  been  done  in  the  same  space  of  time  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  ? 
imense  and  ru  It  is  a  little  more  than  two  centuriea  since  our  forefathers,  a  feeble  band,  very  few  and 
II  industry  am  ery  feeble,  landed  on  the  bleak  shores  of  an  unknown  land.  And  what  do  we  now 
nd  shall  a  con  ehold  ?  They  have  established  liberty,  and  spread  their  empire  across  this  broad  con- 
iction?  If,  in-  nent,  from  sea  to  sea;  they  have  overcome  the  wilderness,  and  tilled  it  with  cities  ; 
1  stretched  oul  rom  a  few  hundred  people  they  have  already  multiplied  to  twenty  millions,  and  the 
and  cherished  hild  is  born  who  will  see  that  number  swelled  to  one  hundred  millions,  all  animated 
g  to  be  sought  rith  the  spirit  and  energy  of  freemen,  and  pressing  forward  in  the  great  cause  of  civili- 
it  not  just,  and  atton  and  liberty. 

honor?  This  is  our  country  1— our  inlieritance!— with  all  its  present  and  prospective  great- 

n,  whose  com- ess !  Our  hearts  burn  wahin  us  at  the  contemplation.  Patriotism,  ambition  itself, 
rt  a  barren  and  an  scarcely  suggest  a  wish  that  is  not  anticipated  by  its  mighty  progress.  Why, 
It  naked  truth  :  len,  should  we  be  impatient?  Why  so  impatient  to  get  to^iay,  what,  by  the  mere 
fsuch  a  region  >rce  of  circumstances,  by  a  destiny  that  cannot  be  controlled,  will  be  yours  to-mor- 
>ing  to  war  for  ow  ?  Cannot  we  atford  to  6e  a  little  wiae,  a  little  patient?  We  are  borne  along 
ihut  our  eyes  pon  a  tide  of  prosperity  with  the  speed  of  the  wind.  Can  we  not  be  satisfied  ?  Why 
from  it.  But,  nust  we  be  trying  artificial  means  to  g«t  on  faster?  This  is  the  only  way  by  whieh 
:t  clear  of  see-  ur  progress  can  be  successfully  impeded.  We  are  the  great  first-born  of  this  continent, 
ly  is  prepared  'he  continent  ia  ours  by  a  title  indefeasible,  irreversible,  irresistible.  I  smile  at  all 
which  become  «tty  European  endeavors  to  check  us,  by  establishing  what  they  denominate  a  "  bal- 
ivar  to  enforce  nee  of  power."  I  know  it  is  natural  on  their  part;  an  '  it  provokes  no  feeling  of  re- 
Iran  settle  the  entment  in  my  breast — it  rather  excites  our  pride  of  country.  This  republic  is  not 
)se  which  for  eventy  years  old  ;  as  a  nation  it  has  not  yet  attained  to  the  length  of  the  life  of  man — 
t  is  justly  and  correctly  spoken  of  as  an  "  infant  republic" — and  yet  we  see  it  exciting 
Oregon  T  Let  le  alarmed  attention  and  policy  of  the  kingdoms  of  Europe.  But  what  can  they  effect  ? 
Vhat  can  Mons.  tiuizot's  fine  drawn  policy  of  a  "bsdance  of  power"  on  this  Weatr 


10 

•rn  eontineni  accomplish  in  stopping  the  march  of  this  advancing  people  ?  We 'are  tli  ide  and  e 
day  twenty  millions  of  people ;  we  shall  soon  be  one  hundred  millions  ;  where  will  en  called 
find  his  •'  balance"  for  this  f  !r  results 

I  remember,  Mr.  President,  to  have  been  once  very  much  amused  by  an  old  mem(  graded,  a 
(now  to  be  found  in  the  Congressional  library)  addressed  to  the  King  of  France  by  h  structive 
minister,  the  celebrated  Count  de  Vergennes,  in  relation  to  this  continent,  and  the  poli(  If,  after  t 
to  be  observed  in  respect  to  its  various  inhabitants.  It  was  written  something  mo  oflfence, 
than  sixty  years  ago,  about  the  time  of  our  treaty  of  independence  in  1783.  The  mi  ns  of  a  b 
ister  there  informs  the  King  of  a  powerful  and  formidable  tribe  of  Indians  called  Chei  on  his  h 
kees,  situated  near  to  and  on  the  western  side  of  the  Alleghany  mountains,  and  he  i  But  I  fee 
commends  the  policy  of  favoring  and  upholding  them  as  a  "  barrier  against  the  peop  bring  it  i: 
of  the  United  States" — mark  that — (much  laughter)  "lest  the  people  of  the  Uniti  ove  to  pr 
States,"  says  the  worthy  count,  "  more  ambitious  than  wise,  should,  at  some  future  da  wise  and 
attempt  to  cross  the  heights  of  the  Alleghany  mountains,  and  look  even  to  the  far  «  sy  or  pr 
lower  Mississippi  itself.     (Renewed  merriment  through  the  chamber  and  galleries.)     lieve  tha 

The  Cherokees  were  to  restrain  and  coniine  our  progress.  There  is  the  Count  <  oper  imp! 
Yergennes's  "  balance  of  power  !"  Ii  has  vanished  before  us}  nor  can  Monsieur  Gi  )wth  and 
zot,  at  the  present  day,  devise  any  that  will  not  be  equally  fugitive  and  impotent.  Oi  len,  with 
march  has  outstripped  all  their  calculations,  and  they  do  not  know  how  to  measure  tl  mpare  wi 
progress  and  power  that  stir  within  us.  We  do  not  realize  it  ourselves.  The  day  is  fa  They  are 
coming  when  our  posterity  will  smile  and  wonder — if  we  do  not  ourselves  live  to  smi  ce  in  thei 
and  wonder — at  our  present  impatience  and  anxiety  to  get  the  "  whole  of  Oregon,"  ju  reer.  Thi 
as  if  it  was  not  a  part  of  that  great  continental  inheritance  that  must  fall  to  us,  witho  us.  I  fei 
a  struggle,  as  soon  as  it  was  really  suitable  or  desirable  to  us.  Our  power  and  progre  I  have  fcl 
are  founded  in  the  very  nature  of  things,  and  depend  on  principles  of  eternal  truth.  Vi  e  course  c 
cannot  avoid  the  great  career  that  seems  to  have  been  assigned  to  and  marked  out  for  u  im  New  ^ 
but  by  the  grossest  folly  or  wickedness.  Let  us  only  be  true  to  ourselves,  and  take  ca  the  Unil 
of  our  Union.  All  the  rest  is  certain — is  but  a  natural  consequence.  The  shadow,  i  le  gentlei 
rather  the  radiance,  of  your  free  institutions,  will  go  before  and  prepare  the  way  for  yoi  iss  of  the 
Your  neighbors  will  seek  the  shelter  of  your  laws  or  the  security  of  your  protectioi  netrated  v 
and  all  things  that  can  gratify  a  just  and  noble  ambition  will  be  added  to  you.  Yc  this  day, 
will  seldom  have  occasion  to  exert  your  mighly  power.  Without  wrong  or  violenc  broken  se 
without  a  blow,  and  without  a  wound,  you  may  conquer  more  effectually  than  ever  d  ipect  to  I 
the  Roman  legions.  And  when  that  great  moral  power,  springing  from  your  examp  rnation,  ai 
and  your  principles  of  liberty,  is  combined  with  your  vastly  increasing  physic  untry.  I 
strength,  what  is  there  that  can  resist  or  stay  your  progress  and  expansion  ?  You  a  occasion 
the  embodiment  of  the  principles  of  civil  liberty,  and  you  must  go  forward,  in  the  vei  assured  tl 
nature  of  things,  with  all  the  rapidity  that  the  moral  force  of  those  principles,  and  yoi  Since  our 
amazing  increase  of  physical  power,  can  give.  Beyond  this  there  would  seem  to  be  n  tiation  .vii 
thing  for  ambition  to  grasp  at.  AVhy,  then,  should  we  be  so  impatient  to  pluck  th  s  have  ^aiii 
fruit  green  to-day  which  to-morrow  will  fall  ripe  into  our  hands  1  sditablc  tu 

I  do  not  say  these  things  in  any  spirit  of  aggression  or  aggrandizement,  or  with  an  it  within  1 
desire  to  have  my  country  usurp  its  neighbor's  rights.  No,  sir;  no.  It  is  a  part  of  tl  )lomacy,  I 
elements  of  our  conquering  character,  a  part  of  the  augury  of  our  great  career,  that  v  ai  regions 
shall  be  just  to  all — that  we  shall  violate  no  right — thai  we  shail  do  no  injury.  Not  f(  icific  ocea 
ourselves  only,  but  for  the  common  race  of  man,  we  hold  the  sceptre  of  an  empire  sue  le  Senator 
as  never  before  was  seen  upon  the  earth.  Do  not,  by  precipitancy  and  a  childish  in  8t  imagina 
patience,  mar  the  fortune  which  nature  and  destiny  hold  out  to  you.  lole  of  Oi 

The  President  of  the  United  States  will  doubtless  look  at  all  this  in  the  spirit  whi(  nate  is  dii 
becomes  his  high  station.  No  matter  how  an  American  President  may  ascend  to  tl  We  have 
chair  of  State,  I  would  hope  that  there  is  a  purification  in  the  office  itself  sufficient  54°  40'  t 
redeem  the  man — to  make  him  politically  new  born,  and  to  inspiie  him  witli  principl  men  feel  i 
and  aims  worthy  of  the  place  he  fills.  Whatever  vapors  of  party  feelingand  narrow  ai  5  such  inf 
selfish  designs  may  float  below,  he  is  raised  to  a  height  where  he  may  breathe  a  pun  d  not  Mr. 
air.'  From  that  eminence  he  can  survey  his  whole  country,  and  behold  the  mighl  ry  on  the 
progress  and  the  mighty  works  she  is  accomplishing  under  the  auspices  of  peace,  ent  Mo^rc 
he  be  not  dull  and  perverse  in  his  nature,  he  must  contemplate  the  glorious  scene  wi  lams,  did 


11 

pie?  We 'are  di  ide  and  enthusiastn,  and  hia  heart  must  exult  within  him  at  the  thought  that  ha  ha* 
IS  ;  where  will    en  called  to  preside  over  it,  and  to  lead  his  countrymen  on  to  still  greater  and  hap* 

;r  results.     Patriotism  could  not  so  err — ambition  itself  could  hardly  lie  so  blind  and 
by  an  old  memc  graded,  m  willingly  to  exchange  such  scenes  and  such  prospects  for  the  hazards  of 
of  France  by  h  structive  war. 

n\,  and  the  poli(  If,  after  this  notice  shall  be  given  into  his  hands,  the  President  shall  use  it  as  a  weapon 
something  mo   offence,  of  menace,  and  of  war,  the  responsibility  will  be  upon  him^the  denuncia* 
1783.     The  mi  ns  of  a  betrayed  people,  and  the  just  and  lasting  execrations  of  mankind,  will  fall 
lans  called  Cher  on  his  head,  and  follow  his  name  while  its  history  endures. 

ttains,  and  he  i  But  I  feel  persuaded,  sir,  that  he  can  have  no  inducement  to  seek  a  war,  or  recklessly 
igainst  the  peop  bring  it  upon  his  country.  Yet  war  may  come  after  he  has  done  all  that  honor  can  ap- 
)le  of  the  Unit<  ove  to  prevent  the  evil.  I  trust  it  will  not  come.  I  want  no  war  with  England.  It  is 
t  some  future  da;  wise  and  unworthy  of  us  to  act  from,  or  indulge  in,  any  mere  feelings  of  national  jealh 
ven  to  the  far  <  sy  or  prejudice,  or  to  seek  superiority  by  the  humiliation  of  others.  We  shall 
md  galleries.)  lieve  that  superiority  more  surely  and  more  honestly  in  elevating  ourselves  by  the 
is  the  Count  (  oper  improvement  and  use  of  our  own  unlimited  resources  and  means  of  national 
in  Monsieur  Gi  )wth  and  prosperity.  We  can  look  forward  with  certainty  to  that  not  distant  future, 
[1  impotent.  Oi  len,  with  our  hundred  millions  and  more  of  freemen,  neither  England  r;or  France  can 
9f  to  measure  tl  mpare  with  us  in  political  power. 

.  The  day  is  fa  They  are  q^reat,  heroic,  and  enlightened  nations.  We  do  not  repine  at  that.  We  re- 
vives live  to  smi  ce  in  their  prosperity.  Their  greatness  is  not  in  our  way.  It  helps  us  on  in  our 
!  of  Oregon,"  ju  reer.  Their  wealth,  their  improvement  in  arts,  their  spreading  commerce,  all  minister 
fall  to  us,  witho  us.     I  feel  towards  them  neither  envy,  jealousy,  nor  fear. 

iwer  and  progre  I  have  felt  surprised  at  the  views  which  have  been  expressed  by  some  Senators  in 
ternal  truth.  Vi  e  course  of  this  debate.  Sir,  the  luc^ubrious  views  taken  by  the  honorable  Senator 
larked  out  for  u  im  New  York  opposite,  (Mr.  Dickinson,)  of  all  the  former  treaties  and  negotiations 
ves,  and  take  ca  the  United  States  excite  commisseration.  The  review  appears  to  make  the  honor- 
The  shadow,  i  le  gentleman  quite  melancholy ;  for  he  thinks  that  in  all,  or  if  not  all,  in  the  great 
the  way  for  yoi  iss  of  them  at  least,  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  been  overreached.  He  i» 
your  protectioi  netrated  with  the  conviction  that  our  whole  course,  from  the  days  of  the  Revolution 
d  to  you.  Y(  this  day,  has  exhibited  towards  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  little  else  than  one 
ong  or  violenc  broken  series  of  abjectness  and  servility.  And  our  whole  diplomatic  history  (not  in 
illy  than  ever  d  ipect  to  England  only)  seems  to  have  filled  the  Senator  with  mingled  sadness  and  in- 
m  your  examp  ^nation,  and  he  speaks  of  it  like  a  patriot  mourning  over  the  shame  and  decline  of  his 
reasing  physic  untry.  I  cannot  argue  with  the  gentleman's  sensibilities,  but  I  must  say,  that  I  see 
ision  ?  You  a  occasion  for  his  griefs.  I  look  back  with  verv  different  feelings,  and  wish  we  could 
Krard,  in  the  vei  assured  that  the  future  may  do  as  well  as  th.  j}a8t  has  done  for  us. 
iciples,  and  yoi  Since  our  war  of'^independence,  we  have  neither  gained  nor  lost  any  territory  by  ne- 
ild  seem  to  be  m  tiation  ,vith  England.  We  have  only  adjusted  unsettled  boundaries  with  her.  But  if 
nt  to  pluck  th  !  have  gained  nothing  as  respects  her,  our  general  diplomacy  has  still  been  neither  dis- 

;ditabl(.  nor  unsuccessful.  Let  me,  sir,  for  the  consolation  of  the  gentleman,  remind  hiiu 
ent,  or  with  an  it  within  little  more  than  forty  years  we  have  acquired,  by  the  peaceful  means  of  that 
~t  is  a  part  of  til  )lomacy,  the  States  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Florida,  and  Texas,  besides  the 
it  career,  that  v  tit  regions  that  stretch  away  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  extend  beyond  them  to  the 
injury.  Not  f(  cific  ocean.  These  acquisitions  might  satisfy  an  imperial  ambition.  But  the  honor- 
f  an  empire  sue  le  Senator's  case  seems  to  admit  of  no  consolation  but  the  possession  of  Oregon.  Our 
d  a  childish  in  at  imaginary  sacrifices  must  be  compensated,  as  he  seems  to  think,  by  Oregon — *'the 

lole  of  Oregon" — a  country  four  thousand  miles  off,  and  so  little  known  that  the 

the  spirit  whic  nate  is  disputing  at  this  day  what  is  its  climate,  and  what  is  its  soil. 

ly  ascend  to  tl  We  have  been  told  that  if  the  President  shall  give  up  a  single  inch  of  Oregon  south 

Iself  sufficient    54°  40'  the  country  will  be  forever  disgraced.     Disgraced  !     Why,  sir,  do  not  genf- 

1  with  principl  men  feel  that  they  do  themselves  wrong,  that  they  do  their  country  wrong,  by  apply- 

;.and  narrow  at  i  such  inferences  as  these  to  that  which  has  actually  been  done  over  and  over  again  ? 

breathe  a  pur  d  not  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  1807,  express  an  earnest  wish  that  49°  should  be  our  boun- 

old  the  mighl  ry  on  the  west  of  the  mountains,  as  it  had  been  on  the  east  of  them  ?     Did  not  Pres- 

es  of  peace,      ent  Monroe  offer  49°  in  1818  ?     Did  not  Mr.  Gallatin,  did  not  Mr.  Clay,  did  not  Mr, 

rious  scene  wi  lams,  did  not  General  Jackson  himself,  by  acquiescing  in  the  convention  of  joint  oa- 


12 


:; 


r' 


ifeupation,  did  they  not  all,  in  the  language  of  these  gentlemen,  "  disgrace  the  ooun 
forever!"     Certainly;  undeniably. 

And,  stranger  yet,  I  understand  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  (Mr.  Brbese,)  moreb 
4igerant  on  this  question  than  any  even  of  those  who  go  the  most  resolutely  for  54"* 
to  say,  that  he  wants  no  more  compromises,  no  more  negotiations;  he  is  for  raai 
ing  at  once  and  taking  possession  of  the  whole  territory,  regardless  of  consequenc 
'Another  Srnator,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Michigan,  (Mr.  Cass,)  says  that 
ought  to  have  the  whole;  yet  I  was  glad  to  hear  him  add,  thut  the  President  acted 
diciously  in  offering  to  compromise  on  the  parallel  of  49°.     The  Senator,  to  be  su 
would  rather  get  up  to  54°  40' ;  yet  he  is  content,  if  he  cannot  get  that,  to  put  up  w 
■49°.     There,  at  least,  we  are  together.     If  we  can  get  Oregon  up  to  64°  40',  let  us 
it  by  all  means,  and  be  glad  to  do  it ;  but  if  the  President  shall  say  to  us,  I  tried 
t>est  to  get  the  whole  for  you,  but  I  could  get  only  up  to  49°,  and  shall  send  us  a  trei 
-with  that  boundary,  I  trust  the  Senator  from  Michigan  will  agree  to  ratify  it.     lie  si 
we  escaped  a  great  danger  by  rejecting  the  British  offer  of  arbitration,  and  that  it  woi 
have  left  a  "  disgraceful  scar"  upon  us.     How  does  he  infer  that  i     Arbitration 
an  approved  mode  of  settling  controversies  between  nations.     You  have  always  offei 
-this  as  a  mode  of  settlement.     It  has  been  peculiarly  your  own  mode  of  ananging  di 
culties.     You  have  offered  it  to  others  over  and  over  again.     In  the  case  of  the  no 
'eastern  boundary  you  accepted  as  an  arbitar  one  of  the  crowned  heads  of  the 
World.     But  if  you  are  jealous  of  kings,  and  doubt  their  impartiahty,  (and  there  ni 
1)c  reason  for  that,)  there  are  other  arbitrators  in  the  world  ;  arbitrators  to  whose  awi 
the  proudest  and  the  haughtiest  nations  would  show  their  own  true  dignity  by  subn 
■tmg.     I  refer  neither  to  crowned  heads,  nor  potentates,  nor  yet  to  civilians  or  lawy 
merely,  but  generally,  to  the  honest,  liberal,  wise,  philanthropic  and  independent  in 
that  are  to  be  found  in  ev'ery  Christian  land.     Out  of  these  might  easily  be  forme 
"tribunal  to  which  no  nation  need  to  blush  in  submitting  its  claims.     Such  an  arbitrati 
is  the  proper  emanation  of  this  age  ;  it  is  the  homage  due  to  intelligence  ;  due  to  w 
4lom  ;  due  to  experience ;  due  to  virtue  ;  and  every  way  worthy  of  a  Republic. 
my  judgment  the  Administration,  in  rejecting  the  British  proposition  on  this  subje 
have  not  only  lost  the  opportunity  of  ensuring,  in  an  unexceptionable  manner,  the  a 
icable  settlement  of  the  present  dispute,  but  have  lost  also  an  inviting  occasion  of 
to  mankind  the  noble  example  of  such  a  mode  of  arbitration. 

And  now,  sir,  I  have  a  little  more  to  say  on  another  subject,  although  I  fear  I  hi 
detained  the  Senate  too  long  already. 

-  Among  the  subjects  of  grief  presented  by  the  •'  researclies"  of  the  Senator  fn 
New  York,  (Mr.  Dickinson,)  is  an  alleged  interference  of  General  Harrison's  adni 
istration  with  the  courts  of  justice  of  New  York,  in  McLeod's  case.  Perhaps  I  o 
it  to  that  gentleman,  to  myself,  and  to  truth,  to  say  a  little  on  that  subject.  It  is  son 
what  hard,  (said  Mr.  C.  with  a  smile,)  that  I,  who  enjoyed  for  so  brief  a  period  the  l\ 
iiry  of  office,  should  be  involved  in  those  grave  and  hazardous  responsibilities  to  wb 


^*ged  in  tl 
rfee.  He 
w  York,  a 
Hilar  preji 

lie  pasflio 

to  make. 
t  on  the  4 

British  n 
'  emphflti 
le  which 

been  plat 
)lic  transac 

and  that 
(beying  th 
what  they 

that,  then 
I  not  liable 
British  d 

eneral  Hj 


•I 


hisK'^y 


'tile  honorable  Senator  calls  those  who  were  agents  in  the  transactions  of  that  day. 
charge  is,  that  there  was  an  interference  by  the' agents  of  this  Government  with  the 
gular  course  of  justice  in  the  State  of  New  York.     Now  let  me  tell  that  honorable  S 
ator  what  was  precisely  the  character  and  extent  of  the  alleged  "  interference"  wh 
seems  to  have  given  him  so  much  offence. 

All  are  so  well  acquainted  with  McLeod's  case,  that  I  need  only  allude  to  its 
in  brief  and  general  terms.  During  the  civil  war  in  Canada,  and  while  certain  refug 
from  that  province,  with  some  of  our  own  citizens  who  sympathized  with  them,  w 
preparing  and  in  the  act  of  attempting  an  invasion  of  it,  across  the  Niagara  river  fn 
Ae  American  side,  a  body  of  armed  men  passed  over  that  river  from  Canaila,  in 
night,  and  seized  and  destroyed  the  steamboat  Caroline,  then  lying  on  the  New  Y( 
shore,  and  which  they  alleged  was  in  the  service  of  the  invaders.  In  this  attack  1 
seizure  of  the  boat,  a  man  by  the  name,  as  well  as  I  recollect,  of  Durfee  was  killed. 

This  occurrence  naturally  produced  great  excitement  along  that  whole  front! 
Shortly  a'ilterwards,  a  British  subject  and  inhabitant  of  Canada,  having  come  into 
ISCate  of  New  York,  was  there  arrested  apd  imprisoned  upon  charges  of  having.  b( 


minister 
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lign  relatio 
stion  of  pc 
ht  well  fe< 
1  a  sacred 
ifTecting  th 
t,  charged 
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Inder  thes 

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the  duty. 

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use],  I  was 
onducted  a 
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as  might  r( 
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11)  in  the  h 

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mr 

(Aged  in  the  attack  and  destruction  of  the  Caroline,  and  of  llaving  shot  and  kilkdf 
rfee.  He  was  thereupon  indicted  for  viurder  in  one  of  the  courts  of  the  State  of 
w  York,  and  his  trial  was  set  for  some  day  in  the  latter  part  of  March,  1841.  Greai 
mlar  prejudice  and  excitement  prevailed  against  him,  and  it  was  apprehended  that 
)iic  passion  and  vengeance  would  be  but  litde  regardful  of  any  defence  he  might  fa*B 
to  make.  In  this  state  of  the  case,  General  Harrison  was  inaugurated  as  Preai* 
It  on  the  4th  day  of  the  same  month  of  March,  1841.    In  a  few  days  afterwards^ 


Ftiii  lent  acted    ^"""'^  minister,  by  the  direction  of  his  Governnjsnt,  renewed,  in  a  formal  and- 
,  y  cmphntic  manner,  a  demand  for  the  release  of  McLeod,  avowing  thpt  the  enter- 


nator,  to  be  su 
t,  to  put  up  w 


e  which  had  resulted  ia  the  destruction  of  the  Caroline  and  the  killing  of  Durfefr 

4"  40    let  "us     ^^'''^  planned  ai)d  executed  under  the  authority  of  his  Government;  that  it  was  a 

T  ,  ■  jj  I  »lic  transaction  for  which  and  its  consequences  the  Government  was  alone  responsi- 

I    A  d  us  a  tre  '  '^"''  ^^^^  ''^^  individuals  who  had  acted  in  it  had  but  perlormed  the  <iuty  of  subjects- 

tifv  it      He  SI  '^®y'"l?  '^^  orders  of  their  Government,  and  could  not  be»,made  amenable  to  our  law*. 

d  that  it  woi  *''^'  ^^^Y  ^°  done,  without  a  violation  of  the  plainest  principles  of  national  law  ; 

'     Arbitration    *^*''  therefore,  if  McLeod  had  committed  the  acts  with  which  he  was  charged,  he* 

e  alwavs  offei '  "**"  l'*We  to  be  prosecuted  for  it  as  a  criminal,  and  that  it  was  the  bounden  doty  of 

V    n  nirinff  di  ^"*'*^  Government  to  protect  him. 

*  of  the  nor  ^®"^'**  Harrison  fully  recognised  ilie  principle  of  national  law  relied  on  by  the  Bri- 

.      /■  .1^     f  minister  as  the  basis  of  his  demand,  and  his  wish  was  that  it  should  be  fairly  applied 

(  nd  there  n  '"''  <5«'""®<1  out  in  the  case  of  McLeod.     That  case  had  thus  become  blende^i  with  our 

i'  td  whose  awi  '?"  t*'l'*t'ons.     It  had  become  a  national  concern.     Upon  its  issue  might  Jepend  the 

irntv  bv  subn  *''**"  ^^  peace  or  war.  As  the  organ  of  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  .the  t'lesidefiti 

'lians  or  lawvi  ^'  ^*''        '  ^^*^  '"'^  *^^*'  *  P*"""*'"'*'"  solicitude  that  the  case  should  be  disposed  of 

ndenendent  ni '  *  ^^'^f^'^  regard  to  justice  and  law.     It  had  acquired  a  new  and  important  character. 

I     be  ''orme  ^^^'^^^^S  ^^^  loreign  relations  of  the  United  States,  and  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Presi- 

*V an  arbitrati ''  <''^*'f®'^  ^^  ^^^  <'"®  of  those  relations,  to  look  to  it  as  a  matter  in  whysh  aot' 

due  to  w  *^  "     ^"'y  ^"^  *^'®  whole  Union  was  concerned. 

*  Inder  these  circumstances.  General  Harrison  expressed  the  wish  that  I  (then  Attor* 

this  subie  ^*"®'"*')  would  go  and  altenu  the  trial  of  McLeod.     It  was  inconvenient  for  me  to; 

the  a  '°'   ^  expressed  my  reluctance,  and  suggested  the  appointment  of  another  to  per- 

™*  on  of  irivi  ^  ^^^  ^^^Y-     But  he  insisted  that  I  should  go,  and  I  submitted. 

ccasi  g     jy  ingtfupjiong  ffQ^^  President  Harrison  were,  in  effect,  that  I  should  attend  the  triaU 

iirh  I  fear  I  hi  '*  "'y**'^  ^^^^Y  acquainted  with  the  case,  and,  though  not  required  to  appear  as 

'^  nsel,  I  was  to  take  care,  generally,  that  a  full  trial  was  had — that  the  defence  was 

Senator  fr  *'"'l"<^*ed  as  to  present  all  proper  questions,  and,  if  the  decision  was  against  the  pri- 

lai  ison's  adni '''  ***  '^°  '''*'        ^^^^^  ^^'^  *''  '*°  placed  on  record  that  the  courts  of  the  United 

Perhaos  I  o  ^*  might  revise  or  take  cognizance  of  the  same,  if  it  should  appear  that  they  had- 

ect      It  is  80B  J"^''''?^  P"^"  *"  ^^^  ^**- 

.  J  .     ,  hese  instructions  were  afterwards  drawn  up  (with  some  enlargement  and  more  in 

bTtie  to  wh  ''^  '"  ^^^  '"""  **''  ^  ***^'"  '°  "**^  ^^  ^''  Webster,  (then  Secretary  of  State,)  but,  a* 
*  ' '    d  V      'i  '®"*'^  imports  on  its  face,  the  int^tructions  were  from  the  President.     They  were 
with  the  '^^'^  ^^  '"®'  '"  ***®  ^^^^  instance,  from  the  President  personally.    To  his  authority 
thnnnrnhln  S  *  "^'^  "  Consider  myself  subordinate  in  the  matter. 
lat  nonoraom  a%^  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  I  was  not  subordinate  to  the  Secretary  of 


nee 

a  Republic 


irference"  wh  ^      j  ^^^-^  ^^^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^.^  ^^      rp^^  instructions  were  the  President's.     The  Se- 
ude  to  its  hisl(  "^^  **'®*  *^^'"  "P  '"  writing,  and  I  executed  them  as  far  as  they  were  executed. 


!  certain  refug 
with  them,  w 
agara  river  fr 
n  Canaila,  in 
n  the  New  Y( 
n  this  attack 
iee  was  killed 

whole  front  n 
g  come  into 
8  of  having,  bi 


hose  instructions  were  long  since  communicated  to  Congress,  and  form  part  of  our 
ic  documents. 

he  object  of  General  Harrison,  in  all  this,  was  but  to  discharge  his  duty,  and  to  en* 
him  to  show  that  he  had  done  so. 

nder  my  instructions  I  set  out  for  Lockport  to  .attend  the  trial  of  McLeod.  When* 
ived  at  Albany  1  waited  on  Governor  Seward  and  submitted  to  him  a  copy  of  my 
uctions,  and  nUo  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  Mr.  Fox,  die  British  Minister,  demanding^ 
elease  McLeod.  We  conversed  freely  and  fully  on  the  whole  subject.  Gorer- 
ewara  assured  me  that  McLeod  was  entirely  innocent,  and  that  he  had  seen  or  had 
proof  in  his  possession,  to  show  beyond  all  doubt  that  he  was  not  present  but  wa*.. 


14 

in  Canada  at  the  time  the  Caroline  was  destroyed  and  Durfee  killed.  He  further  stat  lue  to  be  i 
that  he  could  not  or  would  not  order  a  nol.  pros. ;  that  he  would  not  pardon  him  bef(  by  the  al 
teial — but  if  tried  and  condemned,  that  he  would  pardon  him,  and  that  he  should  not  it  moral  o 
executed  or  punished.  But  he  expressed  a  perfect  assurance,  that  whenever  tri«  d  definitiv 
McLeod  must  be  acquitted  on  the  evidence  of  his  absence  and  innocence,  and  he  st  The  suspi 
that  would  be  the  best  mode  of  bringing  the  matter  to  a  close,  and  the  most  satisfacto  th  each  < 
to  the  public  mind,  which  was  greatly  excited  against  McLeod.  In  this  conclusion  ms  as  t  >  r 
the  Governor's  I  acquiesced ;  but  as  we  had  just  learned  at  A.lbany  that  the  ti'ial  woi  defiance  a 
not  take  place  at  the  appointed  time  in  March,  and  must,  for  some  cause  that  I  do  i  d  amicabh 
now  remember,  be  necessarily  continued,  and  as  the  demand  of  Mr.  Fox  was  lewal  of  tl 
McLeod's  "  immediate"  release,  I  apprehended  there  might  arise  some  difficulty  from  I  more,  in  1 
further  detention  and  imprisonment.  We  consulted  about  this  difficulty,  and  came  If  it  be  ad( 
the  conclusion,  tliat  as  Mr.  Fox  had  said,  in  the  close  of  his  letter,  if  any  •'harm"  w  t  doubt  its 
done  to  McLeod,  Great  Britain  would  consider  it  as  cause  of  offence,  he  must  be  und  rdless  of  tl 
stood  as  having  reference  to  the  execution  of  any  sentence  of  condemnation  that  mi(  ^otiation  h 
be  passed  on  him ;  and  that  no  danger  would  probably  result  from  his  deteniion  a  ire  been  co 
trial,  as  in  the  event  of  his  conviction  the  Governor  was  determined  to  pardon  him.  r  for  and  d 
this  determination  I  was  authorized  to  inform  the  President.  The  Governor  was  both  of  w 
firmed,  by  my  letter  of  instructions,  that  the  President  would  be  pleased  at  his  orderi  le  that  it  v 
at  once  a  dismission  of  the  prosecution,  if  he  had  the  power  so  to  do;  and  I,  no  dot  n  that  thei 
in  furtherance  of  the  President's  views,  endeavored,  by  such  suggestions  as  occurred  isible,  sir, 
me,  to  sustain  the  propriety  of  the  course  indicated  by  him.  But  as  the  Governor  i  ice.  The 
clined  that  course,  saying,  I  believe,  that  he  had  no  power  to  direct  a  nol.  pros.,  I  acq  n,  they  car 
«sced  in  the  course  which  he  stated  he  would  pursue,  and  said  to  him,  I  believe,  tha  ensue  wit 
supposed  it  would  be  satisfactory  to  the  President.  ler. 

This,  I  believe,  is  the  whole  substance  of  the  matter.  Gov.  Seward  complained  )/[y  friend  1 
BO  interference,  though  he  did  state  that  he  had  heard  it  was  contemplated  at  Washii  enjoining  i 
ton  to  appoint  Mr.  Spencer  district  attorney  of  the  United  States  for  one  of  the  N  ing  the  noi 
York  districts,  and  that  he  thought  the  appointment  objectionable  because  of  his  havi  nmended  t( 
been  employed  as  counsel  for  McLeod.  measure. 

It  is  not  true,  sir,  that  in  my  intercourse  with  Gov.  Seward  on  this  subject,  any  thi  Ions,  that  I 
was  said  or  suggested  by  me  for  any  purpose  of  intimidation.  The  simple  object  ^  asion. 
tj  put  him  in  possession  of  all  the  information  the  General  Government  possessed,  aniThe  Hon.  I 
its  views  in  relation  to  McLeod's  case,  and  to  obtain  such  co-operation  on  his  pari  ice.  He  d 
was  snitable  to  the  occasion.  And  nothing  was  said  on  the  subject  that  was  impro  rith  bated  t 
to  be  said  by  me,  or  improper  to  be  addressed  to  him.  trust,  sir. 

And  now,  sir,  I  a^k  the  honorable  Senator,  (Mr.  Dickinson,)  in  full  view  of  my  1  to  be  cap 
structions,  and  my  agency  under  them,  what  he  finds  to  condemn  as  an  'Mnterferan(|>  Senator  v 
with  the  courts  of  the  State  of  New  York  ?  I  will  not  dispute  with  him  about  s  ..  Mr.  Hovsi 
but  if  he  means  to  say  that  the  Administration  of  Gen.  Harrison  was  guilty  of  any  e  to  the  rei 
proper  course  in  regard  to  the  judicial  authorities  of  New  York,  or  any  of  its  functi  racter  and  ; 
aries,  I  deny  hU  accusation  as  totally  unfounded.  All  that  was  done  by  it  in  relatioi  fr.  Critte 
McLeod's  case,  was  required  of  it  by  the  plainest  and  strictest  obligations  of  duty,  lis  resoluti 
precedents  were  necessary  to  ssnction  the  course  of  that  Administration,  in  a  matte!  itiou  of  ev( 
such  obvious  duty,  they  are  amply  furnished  by  our  past  history.  During  the  Pr  s.  I  cong 
dency  of  Gen.  Washington,  he  addressed  to  the  Governors  of  the  States  a  circular  it  assure  hi 
ter  admonishing  them  as  to  the  performance  of  certain  duUes  of  theirs,  that  concer  abhorrence 
and  were  connected  with  the  General  Government.  In  the  Administration  of  Mr. .  irtained  an( 
ferson,  Mr.  Wirt  was  employed  to  assist  the  district  attorney  in  tlie  prosecution  of  Aa  our  patrioi 
Burr,  at  Richmond,  in  Virginia;  and  Mr.  Bibb  was  in  like  manner  employed  by  s,  and  that 
Federal  Government  to  assist  the  district  attorney  of  Ohio  in  the  prosecution  of  [uageofdei 
same  individual,  when  the  prosecution  was  transferred  from  Virginia  to  the  Stat(  b  ideas,  am 
Ohio.  Instances  might  easily  be  multiplied,  but  it  is  needless.  The  Senator  him  n  dignity  ai 
(Mr.  Dickinson)  must,  I  hope,  be  convinced  of  the  groundlessness  of  his  own  oi  'he  Chairm 
plaints  and  accusations,  and  I  part  with  pleasure  from  the  subject.  }'le  of  rem 

The  chief  reason  with  me,  sir,  for  agreeing  to  the  measure  of  giving  notice  to  E  >ose  of  recc 
land  is  the  belief  that  the  convention  which  it  is  intended  to  abrogate  cannot  long  (  speaks  of  £ 


[e  further  Stat  lue  to  be  an  adequate  security  for  the  peace  of  tht  two  countries.  And  my  objeef 
rdon  him  befc  by  the  abrogation  of  that  convention,  to  impose  on  the  parties  the  whole  weight  of 
le  should  not  it  moral  obligation  or  necessity  that  will  then  rest  upon  them  to  settle,  permanently 
whenever  trie  d  definitively,  their  dispute  about  Oregon. 

nee,  and  he  st  The  suspension  of  the  negotiation  seemed  to  have  left  the  parties  in  no  good  humor 
Dost  satisfacto  th  each  other.  The  resolution  under  consideration  was,  therefore,  drawn  in  each 
lis  conclusion  ms  as  t  >  meet  the  whole  exigency  of  the  case,  and  not  only  to  exclude  all  appearance 
t  the  t.ial  woi  defiance  and  hostility  in  our  proceeding,  but  to  manifest  that  our  object  was  peace 
18C  that  I  do  I  d  amicable  settlement,  and  to  indicate,  further,  that  to  that  end  we  desired  to  see  a 
r.  Fox  was  lewal  of  the  suspended  negotiation.  The  resolution  expresries  these  purposes,  and 
ifficulty  from  I  more,  in  language  of  respect  and  amity,  suitable  to  the  occasion  and  to  ourselves. 
Ity,  and  came  If  it  be  adopted,  and  the  negotiation  be  resumed  in  the  spirit  of  this  resolution,  I  can- 
ny ♦'harm"  w  t  doubt  its  successful  termination.  It  can  hardly  be  that  the  Executive  will  be  re- 
e  must  be  und  rdless  of  the  declared  will  of  Congress  on  the  subject.  Since  the  suspension  of  the 
lation  that  mi(  ^otiation  last  summer,  the  negotiators,  Mr.  Buchanan  and  Mr.  Pakenham,  seem  to 
18  detention  a  ve  been  confronting  each  other  in  diplomatic  dignity  and  silence,  each  perhaps  wait- 
pardon  him.  r  for  and  desiring  the  other  to  speak  the  first  word,'  These  distinguished  gentlemen, 
(overnor  was  both  of  whom  I  have  the  grreatest  respect,  will  no  longer  hesitate — they  will  be  sen- 
d  at  his  orderi  le  that  it  will  be  rather  better  a  good  deal  should  be  abated  on  points  of  etiquette, 
and  I,  no  dot  [u  that  their  countrymen  should  be  required  to  slaughter  each  other — they  will  be 
ns  as  occurred  isible,  sir,  that  honor  will  be  due  to  him  who  shall  speak  the  first  brave  word  for 
the  Governor  i  ice.  The  negotiations  will  be  resumed,  and,  if  conducted  with  wisdom  and  modera- 
ol.  pros.,  I  acq  a,  they  cannot  fail  to  lead  to  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  our  differences.  War  can- 
,  I  believe,  tha :  ensue  without  a  high  degree  of  criminality  on  the  part  of  the  one  Government  or  the 

ler. 
rd  complained  Vly  friend  from  Arkansas  (Mr.  Sevier)  complains  of  this  resolution  because,  instead 
ated  at  Washii  enjoining  it  upon  him,  it  leaves  to  the  President  the  discretion  and  responsibility  of 
one  of  the  N  ing  the  notice.  It  seems  to  me  altogether  proper  that  it  should  be  so.  He  has  re- 
use of  his  hav  nmended  to  us  to  ruthorize  the  giving  of  notice,  and  must  bear  the  responsibility  of 
measure.  It  is  but  suitable  to  his  high  office,  as  the  organ  of  intercourse  with  foreign 
ubject,  any  thi  Ions,  that  he  should  exercise  some  discretion,  and  take  some  responsibility  on  the 
limple  object  ^  asion. 

possessed,  an(  'he  Hon.  Senator  from  Texas  (Mr.  Houston^  would  prefer  what  he  calls  a  naked 
m  on  his  part  ice.  He  does  not  like  apologies,  and  would  not  appear  before  the  British  Premier 
[lat  was  impro  rith  bated  breath,"  asking  terms  of  him. 

trust,  sir,  that  I  know  how  to  appreciate  the  honor  and  dignity  of  my  country  too 
view  of  my  I  to  be  capable  of  proposing  anything  derogatory  to  either.    I  must  ask  the  honor- 

interferen(^  Senator  whether  his  remarks  were  intended  to  apply  to  this  resolution, 
im  about  e  <■  |iVIr.  Houston  explained,  and  said  that,  in  the  remarks  referred  to,  he  had  no  refer- 
;uilty  of  any  :  e  to  the  resolution  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky — his  remarks  were  general  in  their 
'  of  its  fnncti  racter  and  application.) 

y  it  in  relatioi  Ir.  Crittenden  resumed.  I  was  certain  the  Senator  could  find  nothing  in  the  tone 
ions  of  duty.  lis  resolution  deserving  his  animadversion,  and  we  should  concur  entirely  in  the  rep- 
on,  in  a  matte  itiou  of  everything  like  humbleness  or  servility  in  our  intercourse  with  foreign  na- 
)uring  the  Pr  is.  I  congratulate  the  gentleman  on  his  return  to  our  national  brotherhood,  and  I 
tes  a  circular  it  assure  him  that  he  brings  with  him  no  more  of  the  genuine  American  feeling,  in 
,  that  concer  abhorrence  of  everything  mean  and  humiliating,  than  he  will  find  cordially  and  fully 
ation  of  Mr. .  irtained  and  reciprocated  here.  There  are  some  in  this  country  who  seem  to  think 
lecution  of  Aa  our  patriotism  is  to  be  measured  by  the  contempt  with  which  we  speak  of  other  na- 
employed  by  s,  and  that  our  national  character  is  to  be  sustained  and  advanced  by  holding  the 
osecution  of  [uage  of  defiance  towards  the  rest  of  the  world.  We  should  discard  altogether  such 
to  the  Stat  e  ideas,  and  learn  that  the  true  honor  of  a  nation  consists  in  its  probity,  and  the 
Senator  him  t  dignity  and  courage  with  which  it  maintains  the  right. 
)f  his  own  0  'he  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations  (Mr.  Allen)  has  indulged  in 
>ie  of  remark  and  invective  that  seems  to  me  unsuited  to  the  occasion,  or  to  anv 
notice  to  E  )ose  of  reconciliation  or  amicable  adjustment  between  this  country  and  England, 
cannot  long  (  speaks  of  England  and  her  power  with  contempt,  and  describes  her  as  a  huge,  mis> 


in 


i^f>«n  ••pattfMirg*'  wboM  joinU  a>e  ao  loose  and  ilUfiited  that  she  totters  to  her  fal 
and  is  incapable  of  standing  the  shoek  of  a  war  with  this  country.  He  sees,  ( 
course,  but  little  difficulty  or  danger  in  such  a  war.  If  such  language  could  ha« 
any  effect,  and  we  were  seeking  to  provoke  w?r  with  England,  it  would  be  apprt 
priate  enough  to  the  purpose ;  but  even  then  there  would  be  no  policy  in  thus  undle 
rating  an  adversary,  oi  deceiving  ourselves  as  to  his  power  and  prowess.  It  would  b 
much  wiser  to  overrate  the  danger  of  the  conflict,  and  prepare  like  men  to  meet  i 
England  is  a  great,  powerful,  and  valiant  nation ;  and  to  deny  it  would  be  but  to  sho 
our  ignorance  and  folly.  We  ourselves  are  but  part  of  the  same  warlike  race.  Eoj 
land  feais  no  enemy,  and  we  fear  not  her.  But  there  is  in  thia  no  reason  why 
should  ieek  war  with  each  other.  Our  common  origin  and  common  character,  indepei 
dent  of  other  considerations,  should  rather  operate  as  bonds  of  mutual  respect  and  frieni 
ship.  But  whenever  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  shall  make  it  necessary  or  propi 
for  us  to  meet  her  in  the  field,  in  the  defence  of  our  rights  or  our  honor,  we  shall  I 
ready  for  the  encounter ;  and  shame  be  to  liim  who  then  stops  to  count  cost  or  danger. 

Mr.  President,  the  Senator  from  Arkansas,  ([Mr.  Ashley,)  as  I  recollect,  deprecat 
all  appeals  to  the  "  horrors  of  war."  He  insists  that  it  is  an  unfair  mode  of  argumei 
and  seems  to  fear  that  it  might  agitate  our  nerves  and  frighten  us  from  hia  favorite  hi 
of  54"  40. 

I  shall  not,  for  myself,  say  a  word  about  those  "horrors  of  war."     Indeed,  I  so  ii 
concur  with  the  Senator  as  to  agree,  that,  when  war  becomes  necessary,  we  ought 
t»  be  deterred  from  it  by  the  mere  consideration  of  Us  horrors. 

To  relieve  us,  however,  from  all  alarm  and  panic,  that  Senator  assures  us  that  ws 
with  all  its  "  horrors,"  can  do  us  comparatively  but  little  mischief,  and  especi^ly  th 
it  will  not  diminish  our  population.  To  verify  this  statement,  he  re  rred  usto  certa 
cypherings  and  (ialeulations  of  his,  by  which  it  appeared,  and  no  doubt  correctly,  thi 
ascording  to  the  natural  increase  of  our  present  pO|^ulation,  four  hundred  and  eighty*oi 
males  per  day  attained  the  age  of  eighteen  years,  and  supposing  the  war  to  destn 
these,  and  no  more,  the  conclusion  is  arrived  at  that  war  will  not  diminish  oar  nnmbe 
or  impair  our  strength— that,  at  the  end  of  it,  our  population  will  be  just  as  numero 
ae  it  was  at  the  beginning.  The  gentleman's  arithmetic  seemed  to  be  good,  and  y 
there  was  one  little  circumstance  which  he  seemed  to  have  overlooked,  and  which  mig 
yet  very  materially  aflfect  his  calculations.  It  was  this :  that  he  saved  only  the  old 
men,  and  that  it  might,  therefore,  admit  of  serious  and  sober  doubt  how  long  they  cot 
exactly  keep  up  that  natural  increase  on  which  his  tables  seem  to  have  been  founde 
(Great  and  continued  merriment.) 

'  It  is  not  a  little  singular  that  a  gentleman  who  deprecates  so  much  all  mention  of 
"horrors  of  war,"  should  himself  have  brought  forward  or  used  any.  argument  or 
culation  that  could  suggest  ever  so  remotely  an  idea  so  overwhelming  and  extravag: 
as  the  destruction  and  slaughter  of  the  entire  youth  of  the  country.  I  know  that 
gentleman  has  used  it  as  a  mere  hypothesi"  on  which  to  make  his  calculations,  but  ev 
in  that  form  it  suggests  a  more  terrible  iuea  of  war  than  ail  else  that  I  have  hea 
But,  sir,  none  of  these  painted  or  imaginary  horrors  frighten  or  move  us.  When 
becomes  necessary  for  the  vindication  of  our  rights  or  honor,  we  will  make  it  and  mi 
it  like  men,  and  through  all  its  horrors  we  can  then  look  to  the  glory  that  is  beyond, 
such  a  war  as  that  you  may  rely  with  confidence  upon  the  patriotism  and  courage 
our  countrymen.  With  the  generous  ardor  of  their  age,  the  whole  youth  of  the  coi 
try  will,  at  your  summons,  rally  around  the  standard  of  their  country.  I  can  ans> 
for  those  that  I  ir ore  particularly  represent — the  youth  of  Kentucky.  They  will  ta 
the  field  at  the  first  signal.  But  I  do  not  want  to  see  their  brave  young  blood,  that  ou| 
to  be  as  dear  to  me  as  my  own,  wasted  and  poured  out  in  idle,  foolish,  or  unnecessi 
war.  In  a  good  cause — a  proper,  patriotic  war^— you  will  have  them  all ;  and  not  th 
only,  but  the  youth  of  the  whole  land.  They  will  all  come  up  to  fight  your  battles 
not  all,  I  trust,  to  perish,  according  to  the  fatal  hypothesis  of  the  Senator  from  Arki 
saa,  but  to  conquer  in  the  righteous  cause  of  their  country.  Those  that  perish  in  st 
a  field  will  die  nobly,  and  Victory  will  wipe  away  the  tears  their  Country  must  si 
tor  their  fall. 


tters  to  her  fal 
y.  He  sees, 
lage  could  hav 
toald  be  apprt 

in  thus  undie 
98.  It  would  I 
men  to  meet  i 

be  but  to  sho 
like  race.  En 
reason  why  m 
larncter,  indepei 
!8pect  and  frieni 
(Mary  or  propi 
nor,  we  shall  I 
cost  or  danger. 
)llect,  deprecati 
ode  of  argumei 
hia  favorite  hi 

Indeed,  I  so  ii 
y,  we  ought  a 

ures  us  that  ws 
id  especially  th 
rred  usto  certa 
>t  correctly,  thi 
id  and  eighty*oi 
5  war  to  destn 
lish  oar  nnmbe 
ast  as  numero 
be  good,  and  y 
and  which  mig 
id  only  the  old 
7  long  th«y  CO! 
ve  been  founde 


11  mention  of  t 
irgument  or 
[  and  extravag: 

I  know  that  ^ 
jlations,  but  ev 
lat  I  have  heai 

us.  When « 
make  it  and  mi 
at  is  beyond. 
.  and  courage 
>uth  of  the  coil 
r.     I  can  ansv 

They  will  ta 
blood,  that  ou| 
I,  or  unnecess! 
ill ;  and  not  th 
ht  your  battles 
ator  from  Arki 
lat  perish  in  st 
luntry  must  si 


